China Spies Come in All Colors

China Spies Come in All Colors
A Union Jack flag flutters in front of the Elizabeth Tower, commonly known as Big Ben, in London on Feb. 1, 2017. Jack Taylor/Getty Images
Anders Corr
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Commentary
The arrest of a suspected spy for China operating at the highest levels of the British Parliament reminds us that spies for China come in all shapes, sizes, and shades. The case is sufficiently important for British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak to have brought it up at the G20 summit on Sept. 10 with China’s No. 2, Li Qiang.

The suspected spy should be presumed innocent until proven guilty.

But his case is an interesting one because of his elite educational background, published political views that trace a precise line just a bit on Beijing’s side of the current China debate, position of influence on China issues, and reported networking with influential members of the press and business community.

According to The Times, a newspaper in London that broke the story, the father of the suspected spy is a doctor who lives in a wealthy neighborhood in Edinburgh, Scotland. The suspected spy attended a private high school before studying history at the University of St. Andrew’s, whose notable alumni include Prince William, Duke of Cambridge, and Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge.
According to a short biography alongside his article published by the University of London, the suspected spy “has a Master’s degree from the Lau China Institute at King’s College London. Prior to that, he worked for the British Council for two years in Hangzhou,” a city in eastern China.

The suspected spy later obtained a job working for an influential think tank in London founded by Tom Tugendhat, the United Kingdom’s minister of state for security. He also worked as a researcher for Alicia Kearns, the chair of the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee.

While the suspected spy did not have a security clearance, his high-level access to policy discussions would have given him something arguably more important—a feel for the political proclivities and lapses of the highest British officials, including the prime minister, on issues of China policy. He might have gotten classified information, including from the United States, if he were sufficiently trusted and the information passed unofficially from those with clearances.

The suspected spy “became active on Westminster’s social scene and used a dating website, making several attempts last year to arrange a date with a political journalist” from The Sun, according to The Times. Photos published by The Times show the young-looking suspected spy, now in his late 20s, with individuals from the British Chamber of Commerce, The Asia Group, The Wall Street Journal, and The Spectator.

Entities with members or clients that do business in China, such as the British Chamber of Commerce and The Asia Group, often take a soft-on-China perspective or fail to publicly report the most shocking aspects of the regime in Beijing. These “nuanced” perspectives are mirrored in the suspected spy’s writing for the University of London.

Putting soft-on-China voices in frequent social and intellectual contact with politicians and reporters who shape public opinion would be a relatively inexpensive way for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to massage British foreign policy in its favor, without either the soft voices or the news outlets understanding how they are being used.

A general view of the Chinese Consulate General in Manchester, England, on Dec. 14, 2022. Six Chinese diplomats, including Consul-General Zheng Xiyuan, have been removed from the Chinese Consulate in Manchester ahead of a deadline imposed by the UK to allow police to interview them over the beating of a protester. (Cameron Smith/Getty Images)
A general view of the Chinese Consulate General in Manchester, England, on Dec. 14, 2022. Six Chinese diplomats, including Consul-General Zheng Xiyuan, have been removed from the Chinese Consulate in Manchester ahead of a deadline imposed by the UK to allow police to interview them over the beating of a protester. Cameron Smith/Getty Images

Western nonprofits, think tanks, and universities often risk even closer relations with the CCP, putting U.S. media, academic, political, and other elites in direct contact with individuals from China’s embassies or consulates. U.S. and UK laws are sufficiently opaque that the funding for these Western entities could ultimately be from the regime in Beijing, handled by intermediate entities like U.S. corporations that do business in China.

According to The Times, the suspected spy “held a parliamentary pass and has worked with MPs on international policy, including relations with Beijing, for several years.”

Security officials fear that while in China, the suspected spy “may have been recruited as a sleeper agent and sent back to Britain with the intention of infiltrating political networks critical of the Beijing regime.”

The suspected spy was arrested on March 13 in Edinburgh. Another unnamed suspect in his 30s was arrested in Oxfordshire, home of Oxford University. They were both released on bail.

The Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament has claimed that China targets the United Kingdom “prolifically and aggressively” and that the government is underfunded and lacks the expertise to counter the threat, according to The Times. The committee argues that Beijing successfully penetrated “every sector of the UK’s economy.”

According to a Whitehall source cited by The Times, the suspected spy “was regularly complaining about a lack of nuance among China-sceptic MPs and seemed to have a particular issue with Iain Duncan Smith.” Mr. Smith has been among the most vocal of MPs against the CCP.

Countering the CCP’s espionage, interference, and influence operations in the United States and our allies requires stronger laws and more enforcement against foreign agents operating in our midst.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Anders Corr
Anders Corr
Author
Anders Corr has a bachelor's/master's in political science from Yale University (2001) and a doctorate in government from Harvard University (2008). He is a principal at Corr Analytics Inc., publisher of the Journal of Political Risk, and has conducted extensive research in North America, Europe, and Asia. His latest books are “The Concentration of Power: Institutionalization, Hierarchy, and Hegemony” (2021) and “Great Powers, Grand Strategies: the New Game in the South China Sea)" (2018).
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