In Finland, a populist party, known simply as “The Finns” has risen with unexpected speed and force to become one of the country’s biggest parties, shaking up the political map. It is somewhat akin to a Finnish Tea Party, seeking to represent the country’s heartland and traditional Finnish values against the European Union and a government it says is out of touch with the people. But will its momentum last, or will it fall apart as a result of its diversity?
When the Perussuomalaiset party became third biggest party in the Finnish national parliamentary elections in April, it was the most resounding success for a new, populist party in Scandinavia so far. At 19.1 percent, it was only one percentage point from being the biggest party. After long negotiations, it opted to remain in opposition and not join a coalition government.
Perussuomalaiset translates as “the true Finns,” “the original Finns,” but after some deliberation they decided that their English name would simply be “The Finns.”
In a poll in August, their support increased further making them for the first time, the most popular party in Finland. Charismatic leader Timo Soini is a serious contender for the presidential elections in the spring of 2012.
However, the party has been criticized for being crass and chauvinistic in its rhetoric, and harboring extreme and xenophobic elements. Some see it as simply a container for all disgruntled Finnish voters, fed up with the consensus mentality brought on by broad coalition governments of traditional parties of decades past.
High-profile issues for the party are tightened immigration policies and strong criticism against the European Union, especially any tendencies toward a “united states of Europe.”
However, The Finns call for ending mandatory Swedish classes in schools, replacing them with a voluntary system, has also raised a few eyebrows.
Finland was part of Sweden from the Middle Ages until the early 19th century, and despite the fact that the Swedish-speaking minority makes up only about 6 percent of the population, all schoolchildren are required to take both Finnish and Swedish (which are linguistically about as closely related as English and Chinese) in school.
“The Finns are a part of a populist tradition in Finland, with roots going back to the 1960s,” said Lauri Karvonen, professor of Political Science at the University of Abo in a telephone interview.
Finland, a sparsely populated country of forests and lakes wedged between Sweden and Russia, was one of the last countries in Western Europe to emerge from an agrarian society. In just a few decades, it roared straight into the post-industrial era, on the backs of companies like mobile phone giant Nokia.
At times when the pace of change has become too fast, especially for the people in the Finnish heartland, populist movements have emerged. This happened in the 60s and again in the 80s. The Finns, formed in 1995, are the direct descendants of this tradition.
“When too many things become uncertain, and too much seems to be dependent on outside forces, like big multinational companies or the EU, some take comfort in a movement that speaks of traditional Finnish values, the idea of being Finnish, and how everything should be more like in the good old days,” says Karvonen.
A characteristic of many populist parties in Europe is that they are run by people who are “of the people,” with little or no political experience. Hanna Mantyla of The Finns fits the pattern. A 37-year old mother of two with a background in health care and social work, she is now a member of the national Parliament.
“I had not been a member of any other party before I joined The Finns. I come from a working-class family which was not politically active,” she wrote in an email. A pathos for social justice and skepticism toward the EU led her to get involved in politics.
To Mantyla, The Finns are a party that stands up for and listens to the ordinary citizen, as opposed to the traditional parties, who are loosing in popularity, because they don’t.
But skeptics describe party members as oddballs and malcontents at best and as xenophobes and extremists at worst.
The Finns have often been compared to far-right populist parties in other Scandinavian countries that focus much of their energy on stopping immigration, but according to Karvonen, The Finns’s core voters are a much more moderate crowd.
“There is a group of openly xenophobic people within the party, but they are not the majority. Basically, The Finns are OK with immigrants as long as they work and are not treated differently, but there are more extreme elements,” he said, mentioning the example of member of Parliament Jussi Halla-aho who has become known for making off-the-wall remarks that in some cases have been seen as downright derogatory.
Recently, Halla-aho suggested on Facebook that Greece should be ruled by a military junta, as was the case in the ’70s, to stop the riots and get its economy in order. He withdrew the comment but was expelled from the party—though only for two weeks.
Karvonen thinks this might be the just the beginning of the end for the party.
“Soini must have been a little surprised himself at the kind of crowd he brought into Parliament. I think he’s counting on having to get rid of quite a few MP’s,” he said, adding that he thinks the party, despite its success at the moment, is likely to fall apart over its internal differences and diversity. This has been the historical pattern for other successful populist movements in Finland, he indicated.
Mantyla, however, sees things differently. She dismisses the talk of division and is looking forward with great confidence to the presidential and local elections next year.
“It is clear that as MP’s we all emphasize different issues. For me, social policy issues are most important. But we have all committed ourselves to the platform of out party. ... The solidarity and spirit in the [parliamentary] group is excellent,” she said.
“I indeed believe that in the future we will be the biggest party in Finland.”
When the Perussuomalaiset party became third biggest party in the Finnish national parliamentary elections in April, it was the most resounding success for a new, populist party in Scandinavia so far. At 19.1 percent, it was only one percentage point from being the biggest party. After long negotiations, it opted to remain in opposition and not join a coalition government.
Perussuomalaiset translates as “the true Finns,” “the original Finns,” but after some deliberation they decided that their English name would simply be “The Finns.”
In a poll in August, their support increased further making them for the first time, the most popular party in Finland. Charismatic leader Timo Soini is a serious contender for the presidential elections in the spring of 2012.
However, the party has been criticized for being crass and chauvinistic in its rhetoric, and harboring extreme and xenophobic elements. Some see it as simply a container for all disgruntled Finnish voters, fed up with the consensus mentality brought on by broad coalition governments of traditional parties of decades past.
High-profile issues for the party are tightened immigration policies and strong criticism against the European Union, especially any tendencies toward a “united states of Europe.”
However, The Finns call for ending mandatory Swedish classes in schools, replacing them with a voluntary system, has also raised a few eyebrows.
Finland was part of Sweden from the Middle Ages until the early 19th century, and despite the fact that the Swedish-speaking minority makes up only about 6 percent of the population, all schoolchildren are required to take both Finnish and Swedish (which are linguistically about as closely related as English and Chinese) in school.
“The Finns are a part of a populist tradition in Finland, with roots going back to the 1960s,” said Lauri Karvonen, professor of Political Science at the University of Abo in a telephone interview.
Finland, a sparsely populated country of forests and lakes wedged between Sweden and Russia, was one of the last countries in Western Europe to emerge from an agrarian society. In just a few decades, it roared straight into the post-industrial era, on the backs of companies like mobile phone giant Nokia.
At times when the pace of change has become too fast, especially for the people in the Finnish heartland, populist movements have emerged. This happened in the 60s and again in the 80s. The Finns, formed in 1995, are the direct descendants of this tradition.
“When too many things become uncertain, and too much seems to be dependent on outside forces, like big multinational companies or the EU, some take comfort in a movement that speaks of traditional Finnish values, the idea of being Finnish, and how everything should be more like in the good old days,” says Karvonen.
A characteristic of many populist parties in Europe is that they are run by people who are “of the people,” with little or no political experience. Hanna Mantyla of The Finns fits the pattern. A 37-year old mother of two with a background in health care and social work, she is now a member of the national Parliament.
“I had not been a member of any other party before I joined The Finns. I come from a working-class family which was not politically active,” she wrote in an email. A pathos for social justice and skepticism toward the EU led her to get involved in politics.
To Mantyla, The Finns are a party that stands up for and listens to the ordinary citizen, as opposed to the traditional parties, who are loosing in popularity, because they don’t.
But skeptics describe party members as oddballs and malcontents at best and as xenophobes and extremists at worst.
The Finns have often been compared to far-right populist parties in other Scandinavian countries that focus much of their energy on stopping immigration, but according to Karvonen, The Finns’s core voters are a much more moderate crowd.
“There is a group of openly xenophobic people within the party, but they are not the majority. Basically, The Finns are OK with immigrants as long as they work and are not treated differently, but there are more extreme elements,” he said, mentioning the example of member of Parliament Jussi Halla-aho who has become known for making off-the-wall remarks that in some cases have been seen as downright derogatory.
Recently, Halla-aho suggested on Facebook that Greece should be ruled by a military junta, as was the case in the ’70s, to stop the riots and get its economy in order. He withdrew the comment but was expelled from the party—though only for two weeks.
Karvonen thinks this might be the just the beginning of the end for the party.
“Soini must have been a little surprised himself at the kind of crowd he brought into Parliament. I think he’s counting on having to get rid of quite a few MP’s,” he said, adding that he thinks the party, despite its success at the moment, is likely to fall apart over its internal differences and diversity. This has been the historical pattern for other successful populist movements in Finland, he indicated.
Mantyla, however, sees things differently. She dismisses the talk of division and is looking forward with great confidence to the presidential and local elections next year.
“It is clear that as MP’s we all emphasize different issues. For me, social policy issues are most important. But we have all committed ourselves to the platform of out party. ... The solidarity and spirit in the [parliamentary] group is excellent,” she said.
“I indeed believe that in the future we will be the biggest party in Finland.”
