Defeating Communist China Requires Soft Power—Does the US Have Any Left?

Defeating Communist China Requires Soft Power—Does the US Have Any Left?
The U.S. Capitol building is seen past American flags at the base of the Washington Monument in Washington on Feb. 15, 2021. (Samuel Corum/Getty Images)
John Mac Ghlionn
3/9/2022
Updated:
3/11/2022
0:00
Commentary
If the United States is to remain a dominant—no, the dominant—force in geopolitics, what must the country’s leaders do? Resign, some say.

However, as many of us know only too well, politicians are a proud bunch, not necessarily known for stepping away from the limelight.

A more pertinent question to ask is this: To stop the rise of the Chinese regime, is more hard power—a coercive approach to international political relations that often relies on the use of military power—required?

Considering the war crimes being carried out in Ukraine, let’s hope not. Actual, physical warfare must be avoided at all costs.

Instead, to remain the most powerful nation, the United States must look to soft power, a persuasive approach to international relations, which relies heavily on the use of cultural influence. If hard power is the stick, then soft power is very much the carrot. But does the United States have any carrots left? This is an important question that must be dissected carefully.

According to Joseph Nye, the three components of soft power include political values, culture, and foreign policy. Nye, for the uninitiated, is the father of soft power. He is one of the most respected names in international relations. Last year, he contributed to an article I wrote discussing the less than obvious threats posed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). For Nye, the importance of soft power cannot be emphasized enough.
Military conflict tends to be a pyrrhic affair, with the victor’s left haunted by the shadows of debt and death. Moreover, after the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, the United States can ill-afford to go down the militaristic path. Pax Americana, it seems, is very much a thing of the past. To defeat China, the United States must win even more friends. This comes through persuasion, not coercion.
A view of Bagram Air Base after all U.S. and NATO troops left, some 43 miles north of Kabul, Afghanistan, on July 2, 2021. (Zakeria Hashimi/AFP via Getty Images)
A view of Bagram Air Base after all U.S. and NATO troops left, some 43 miles north of Kabul, Afghanistan, on July 2, 2021. (Zakeria Hashimi/AFP via Getty Images)

Does the US Have Any Credit Left in the Soft Power Bank?

Well, does it? Sadly, the answer appears to be very little.
The United States recently became the fastest-falling nation in 2021, dropping from first place to sixth place, on the Global Soft Power Index. China, meanwhile, a country not necessarily renowned for its soft power prowess, dropped down from fifth to eighth position.
How does the index work? According to the authors, “The Global Soft Power Index (GSI) is based on the most comprehensive and wide-ranging research programme of its kind, with responses gathered from over 75,000 across more than 100 countries, surveying perceptions of soft power of 105 from around the world.”

The authors note that the United States scored poorly on “Influence, Reputation, and Governance,” largely because America is not regarded as “safe and secure” as it once was. They have a point. In the United States, from New York City to San Francisco, rates of crime are through the roof.

Unlike Nye’s three pillars of soft power, the authors of the GSI have identified seven “Soft Power Pillars.” These, we’re told, “are the different areas where soft power is exercised, ranging from culture and foreign policy to dimensions such as a nation’s educational and scientific resources, media reach and influence, and a favourable business climate.”

Instead of just sitting here and lamenting the “demise” of the United States, important questions need to be asked, including the following: How can America climb back up the soft power ladder? What issues must be addressed in order to expedite its ascension to the top of the ladder?

First off, crime. An unsafe country is not an appealing one—not domestically, not internationally. As I have discussed elsewhere, when New York City and Los Angeles, the cultural capitals of the United States, are overflowing with crime and homelessness, it’s very difficult to sell a country’s “brand.”
Second, a country’s progress (or lack thereof) is closely associated with those in charge of running the country. Now, this is not where I take a cheap shot at President Joe Biden. That’s the job of Elon Musk, it seems. This is me stating a fact: The United States is suffering a reputational crisis. Although the country is viewed positively for its technology and entertainment, its political class is viewed far less favorably. It’s easy to see why. The political environment, according to one prominent pollster, is toxic. A process of purification is desperately needed.

Thankfully, for the United States, China is not really a soft power threat. Known more for its “wolf warrior” diplomacy rather than actual diplomacy, it’s quite surprising that China even ranks in the GSI’s top 10.

Nevertheless, the United States should try to improve its soft power ranking. Immediately. To win friends and influence people, it helps to be persuasive.

As Nye, the aforementioned father of soft power, recently told me, in order to improve the United States’ ranking, the American people must remember that a great deal of a country’s “soft power comes not from the government but from our civil society.”

This comes through the creation of great art, advancements in technology, better parenting practices, and the fostering of community spirit. All, as they say, is not lost. The United States can regain some soft power credibility. However, in order to do so, a collective effort will be required.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
John Mac Ghlionn is a researcher and essayist. He covers psychology and social relations, and has a keen interest in social dysfunction and media manipulation. His work has been published by the New York Post, The Sydney Morning Herald, Newsweek, National Review, and The Spectator US, among others.
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