The June 28 election for non-permanent seats at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) enabled Kazakhstan to get its first-ever non-permanent member seat in the august world body.
Kazakhstan, which won its independence 25 years ago, had never before been a U.N. Security Council member. It defeated rival Thailand, the other contestant, for the UNSC non-permanent seat which was being vacated by Malaysia by year end.
Let us analyze the reasons why Kazakhstan won and Thailand lost.
Kazakhstan’s politicians and diplomats conducted a relentless six-year international campaign since the country announced its candidacy in 2010, aggressively lobbying for support in world capitals for its bid for a two-year UNSC seat commencing Jan. 1, 2017.
Kazakhstan eventually won the seat, receiving 138 votes against Thailand’s 55 in the second round of voting.
In a conversation on the sidelines of a well-attended gala reception Kazakhstan hosted at New York’s Plaza Hotel on the eve of the voting, Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Erlan Idrissov, who was in New York to maintain the campaign momentum, told me that Kazakhstan had the interests of not only the Central Asian region but the entire world “at heart.”
Kazakhstan’s emphasis on four security priorities for its future work in the UNSC—nuclear, energy, water, and food security—went down well with the General Assembly members. By advancing these priorities in the main body of multilateral diplomacy in the world, Kazakhstan emphasized its intention to closely cooperate with the UNSC’s permanent five members and the entire U.N.
Kazakhstan courted the international community with its non-proliferation credentials, and its focus on resolving global conflicts and promoting multi-ethnic, multicultural, and multi-religious harmony. The Central Asian country’s efforts at mediating in the crises in Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, not to forget its role in breaking the deadlock in the negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program, were appreciated by the overwhelming majority of the international community.
In the 1990s, Kazakhstan became the first former Soviet bloc state to voluntarily give up its nuclear weapons and eliminate its supporting infrastructure, and join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. These moves were interpreted as a sign of Kazakhstan’s commitment to regional cooperation and non-proliferation, thus striking a chord with the majority of General Assembly members who were impressed by the newcomer’s credentials.
Pundits attribute Kazakhstan’s win to its good relations not only with bordering Russia, China, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, but also with other countries in Asia-Pacific, Africa, Europe, and Latin America and the Caribbean.
Kazakhstan played a pivotal role in 1992 in the creation of a pioneering group, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, building trust in a geographic span ranging from South Korea to Egypt.
In 2010, Kazakhstan became the first former Soviet state to chair the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), spurring the OSCE to shift attention eastward, and to become more sensitive to security concerns of Central Asian states adjacent to Afghanistan.
Kazakhstan organized the Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions and hosted its sessions where Kazakhstan’s contribution by way of its so-called 2012 ATOM Project—aimed at galvanizing global public opinion against nuclear weapon testing and, ultimately, nuclear weapons—was appreciated in this organization.
Unknown to many, Kazakhstan has provided humanitarian assistance to Africa: it has helped fight the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, and sent observers in the U.N. peacekeeping missions in Western Sahara and the Ivory Coast. All these “positives” far outweighed Kazakhstan’s “negatives,” as critics point out, implicit in the restrictions on civil liberties in that country since its independence 25 years ago.
But let’s look at the other candidate Thailand, a traditional U.S. ally, which would have been a sure winner in the past. The “land of smiling faces,” as it likes to portray itself, has faced disruptive politics and human rights’ violations.
Since 2009, Thailand campaigned, accompanied by a range of self-promotional activities, for the UNSC seat which it last occupied 30 years ago. While Thailand had the firm support of its nine fellow ASEAN member states, it did not have what is called a “reasonable degree of certainty” about the U.N. majority supporting it.
Pundits agree that Thailand’s international reputation was dented by its May 22, 2014 military coup. Thailand has faced some strong criticism from the United States, European Union, and other countries for its human rights violations.
Indeed, Thailand’s latest jolt in the UNSC election against Kazakhstan was preceded by an earlier setback in October 2014 when the former failed to get a seat on the U.N. Human Rights Council.
In the U.N. aide memoire declaring its candidacy for the UNSC seat, Thailand had underscored the importance of a comprehensive approach towards the issues of “peace and security, development, and human rights.” But, obviously, there were very few takers of this avowal among the U.N. member states.
Thailand also did not find many takers on another issue—its professed commitment to help refugees and displaced persons—with vivid televised images of Rohingyas, Hmong, and Uyghur refugees forcibly shipped back to their countries of origin fresh in the minds of many U.N. member states.
Kazakhstan, a newcomer, offered a fresh face with a good record on cooperation in various fields. Kazakhstan’s first-ever bid for a non-permanent UNSC seat was also stressed by its permanent representative to the U.N., Ambassador Kairat Abdrakhmanov, on several occasions.
Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Idrissov went on a charm offensive at The Plaza, paying compliments to the guests and pointing out that this is the “first unique experience for us, coming to know all of you;” he kept emphasizing that “we have been listening to all of you to know your issues and to learn about your country individually.”
Mindful of the presence of Thai guests in the gathering at The Plaza, Idrissov even praised Thailand as a “great friend.” “We wish Thailand good luck just as we wish ourselves good luck,” he said, much to the delight of the audience which gave him a resounding applause.
The newly-elected non-permanent UNSC members Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, and Sweden will replace Angola, Malaysia, New Zealand, Spain, and Venezuela on the council from Jan. 1, 2017. The Netherlands and Italy, tied with 95 votes each, have decided to split the two-year term with a year each, following a persisting deadlock after five rounds of voting. Splitting the term at the UNSC is not unprecedented, considering that it was common in the 1950s and 1960s for countries to split terms in that body.
Manik Mehta is a New York/New Jersey-based journalist who has been covering global economics, business, and social-cultural issues for more than 20 years.
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