Chapter Nine: Final Resolution Between the Righteous and the Evil
A Chinese idiom goes: “The dark clouds cannot block the sun forever.”
Throughout the ages, however mighty the power possessed by a regime, if it dared to mistreat or defame a righteous religion or commit crimes against humanity, in the end, it would have to face world condemnation and receive the opprobrium that it earned.
History has made that clear following the Roman Empire’s torture of Christians, the Nazis’ genocide of Jews, and Stalin’s gulags (harsh forced labor camps).
History repeats itself with China’s state persecution of Falun Gong. The same ending will result for Jiang Zemin and the CCP for their role in attacking the Chinese culture and traditional religions, undermining the human race’s moral standards, and persecuting the peaceful Falun Gong.
The last chapter of the battle in China between the righteous and the evil has already begun with the final outcome in plain view.
Jiang Zemin left two shameful legacies that still haunt China: a top-to-bottom corrupt government and the persecution of Falun Gong. At the time of this writing, Jiang is still alive but his influence is very much diminished.
To the world, Jiang had fully leveraged the CCP’s propaganda and state resources to acquire the support, or at least buy the silence, of anyone who comes into contact with the result of his infamous legacies: bringing about massive corruption of the Party and committing the genocide and torture of Falun Gong practitioners.
Jiang was fully aware of the consequences to him if the political direction reversed against his “contributions” to the people. With the anti-corruption campaign of Xi Jinping, that day has begun.
Not just Jiang himself has that worry. The members of the political faction that supports and benefits from his immorality are all in the same boat. Jiang has developed and promoted a large group of officials who promoted and executed his policies and were rewarded with the largess and privileges that come with corruption with impunity. Sharing guilt in the same areas, they have had to watch each other’s backs.
Therefore, when Jiang retired, he and his faction worked very hard to ensure that China’s political boat stayed on the same course and the world’s attitude toward China would not be altered.
They were successful against Hu Jintao, Jiang’s successor. Hu was not Jiang’s pick. China’s paramount leader Deng Xiaoping picked both Jiang and Hu at the same time, Jiang being the top leader and Hu being the heir. Deng’s reputation and influence made Jiang honor the arrangement of transitioning to Hu in 2002.
However, Jiang being Jiang, he created a system to contain Hu’s power and influence.
Jiang expanded the Politburo Standing Committee, the Party’s highest decision-making group, from seven members to nine. He seated seven of his people there. To dilute Hu’s power, Jiang pushed for group leadership and separated responsibilities (powers) among the Politburo Standing Committee members.
For the CCP, the “gun” is the true basis of its power. So, instead of handing over all his power to Hu Jintao in 2002, Jiang arranged a surprise maneuver to contain Hu. At the meeting to plan for the transition, over 20 People’s Liberation Army (PLA) generals submitted a special proposal for Jiang to stay on as the chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC). Hu was forced to accept it and only took the Party Secretary and President of China titles from Jiang.
Jiang kept the CMC Chairman position till 2004. After he retired from that post, he still kept his office at the CMC. Though Jiang had no official title, his office received all important reports. Since his retirement, Jiang has given hundreds of instructions or opinions on major issues.
Though Hu became the new CMC Chairman, the two vice chairmen, Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, were Jiang loyalists. They had the real power and nullified Hu’s influence. During the Wenchuan earthquake (2008 Sichuan earthquake), they withheld the PLA soldiers from going into the disaster region for three days, despite the appeal of then-Premier Wen Jiabao for the PLA’s help, thus missing the most critical time to save people.
The Political and Legal Affairs Committee (PLAC) was another Jiang stronghold. It oversaw the police and the legal enforcement system. Zhou Yongkang, another Jiang loyalist, expanded the PLAC into such a powerhouse that it was even called the “Second Central Committee.”
Jiang’s faction also controlled propaganda, foreign policy, education, and several other areas. As the result, throughout the Hu Jintao era (2002–2012), China was mostly following Jiang’s policies.
Jiang’s misdeeds continued. The damage to China and the world continued.
Nevertheless, however hard Jiang and his faction tried, the evil could not suppress righteousness forever.
On Nov. 2, 2009, Judge D. Ismael Moreno, of the Central Court for Preliminary Criminal Proceedings Number 2, of the National Spanish Court, had come to a decision following a two-year investigation. In his decision, Judge D. Ismael Moreno indicted five defendants, Jiang Zemin, Bo Xilai, Luo Gan, Jia Qinglin, and Wu Guanzheng, all Chinese top officials, for committing crimes of genocide and torture against Falun Gong believers. He also authorized the sending of rogatory letters to each defendant in China (letters of request), asking them to answer questions based on their involvement in the persecution.
Jiang and his gang can be arrested and brought to the Spanish National Court to stand trial if they set foot in Spain or any country that has an extradition treaty with Spain.
A month later, on a sunny and little bit cloudy day on Dec. 17, 2009, Judge Octavio Araoz de Lamadrid of Argentina’s National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 9 issued arrest warrants for Jiang Zemin and Luo Gan, for launching the campaign to “eradicate Falun Gong.” The warrant was issued to the INTERPOL Department of the Federal Police of Argentina.
Although these two events went largely unnoticed by the media, they, nonetheless, sent shock waves to the CCP officials responsible for carrying out the Falun Gong persecution. It is noteworthy too that the two indictments meant that, for the first time, Jiang Zemin and his cronies were charged with being criminals of humanity and, if apprehended, would face justice.
It was proof that there were still righteous people in the world who dared to stand up to communist China and the pressures from colleagues and their own government. Ever since the day when the CCP ban of Falun Gong began, Falun Gong practitioners have tried to petition (上访), a legal process provided to the citizens of China, asking for justice for Falun Gong. They kept going to the local and state bureaus with letters and eventually reached the highest office in Beijing.
When an old peasant practitioner was arrested in Beijing, he opened his bag, took out a few pairs of torn shoes to show the police officer, and said, “I have walked a long way to get here, only to say a few words from my heart: Falun Gong is good! The government is wrong!”
Falun Gong practitioners also tried with the lawsuits to stop the persecution and to bring Jiang to justice. Lawsuits were filed both in China and overseas.
The first lawsuit against Jiang was filed in Beijing on Aug. 25, 2000. Two practitioners, Wang Jie from Beijing and Zhu Keming from Hong Kong, submitted their case to the Supreme People’s Court and Supreme People’s Procuratorate.
The Global Coalition to Bring Jiang Zemin to Justice was established in Washington, DC, in 2003. Over 80 organizations and individuals, from four continents, including Asia, North America, Europe, and Australia, joined together to found this coalition. Jiang was sued in over 30 countries.
In 2015, Jiang was the target of a wave of lawsuits that spread over China. After the Supreme People’s Court published its Civil Procedure Law that the court shall put the case on file within 30 days from the receipt of the written complaint, over 200,000 Falun Gong practitioners filed lawsuits against Jiang Zemin with the Supreme People’s Court and Supreme People’s Procuratorate. They sued him for launching the persecution of Falun Gong, resulting in their suffering of imprisonment, physical torture, financial loss, and ruined reputation.
The public joined them, too. In Asia alone, over 1.3 million people from Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, and other countries signed petitions calling for bringing Jiang to justice. People want to hold Jiang liable for giving away China’s territory, building up a corrupt system, and persecuting righteous religions and faiths.
The journey to bring Jiang to justice had begun. It was not just for the Falun Gong practitioners who were put in prisons, mental hospitals, and brainwashing centers by Jiang, it was not just for the Chinese nation that suffered great moral deterioration, but for the people of the world.
Along with the suing of Jiang Zemin, a significant movement has taken hold in China: quitting the Communist Party and its affiliated organizations.
For westerners, ending one’s membership in a political party is a simple thing. All that is needed is a personal decision and making that decision known to whoever keeps the records.
However, it is quite a different matter for those who have joined the Party in China, where freedom of belief and expression are not considered the people’s rights. As the Party is the only legitimate political party in the nation and that it controls the content of all media, and indoctrinates the people, beginning at the elementary school level through adulthood, breaking ties with the Party, until recently, had been unthinkable, much less ever having the courage to actually do it.
But that is happening in China. The Epoch Times, an independent Chinese-language media based in the United States, published the editorial series, “Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party” in November 2004 and it was soon translated into English. The series shows the evil nature of Communist Party rule in China, recounts the Party’s history of deception, lies, and repression, and puts its condemnation of the Party in the context of the Party’s assault on traditional culture and universal human values.
Starting in 2005, Chinese began posting announcements on the Tui Dang (meaning “quitting the Party”) website (tuidang.org) of their withdrawals.
The Communist Party reacted with the “Campaign to Maintain the Advancement Nature of Communist Party Members” in 2005. The campaign lasted for a year and half. But it was not able to stave off the wave of quitting the CCP.
As of September 2019, the total number of people announcing withdrawal of their membership from the Communist Party, Communist Youth League, and Communist Young Pioneers had reached three hundred and forty-two million.
This development shows that people are awakening and gradually coming out of the shadow of the Communist Party. It shows that the Communist Party is in decline. It can no longer dominate people’s minds or prevent people from abandoning its ideology as it could before.
Feb. 6, 2012 would become an unforgettable day for both the Chinese government and the U.S. government.
A line of police cars, over 60, rushed out of Chongqing, the mega city in southwest China. Led by Mayor Huang Qifan, this Chongqing police force arrived at Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan Province.
And surprisingly, their mission was to surround the U.S. Consulate.
The Chengdu police, with a responsibility to provide security for foreign entities, such as the U.S. Consulate, on its territory, hurried to the consulate and got there before the Chongqing police caravan arrived. They formed a circle to prevent the Chongqing police from going inside. Chengdu, normally a calm city, all of sudden had two police forces surrounding the U.S. Consulate, hostilely staring at each other.
The concern of these police encirclements was not directed against the Americans working in the consulate, but rather at a man who took refuge in the consulate, seeking asylum. His name was Wang Lijun, the former police chief of Chongqing. He had disguised himself as a woman to enter the consulate, after riding a car for 200 miles from Chongqing to Chengdu. He knew his visit would surprise the Americans.
Wang was the right-hand man of Bo Xilai, one of Jiang Zemin’s favorites. Bo had served as the Governor of Liaoning Province, and then the Minister of Commerce, before becoming the Party Secretary of Chongqing.
Wang served as police chief at a few cities in Liaoning when Bo was the governor in 1990s. Bo brought him to Chongqing to carry out the “Strike the Black” campaign. The campaign, as the media claimed, was to take down the mafias in Chongqing. It greatly boosted Bo’s image as an official doing bold actions for the people, though there were many complaints that Bo used this campaign to falsely accuse businessmen in order to confiscate their wealth.
Wang also helped Bo set up bugging systems for listening in on China’s top officials’ conversations.
Wang’s police post and close ties to Bo enabled him to discover that Bo’s wife Gu Kailai had murdered a British businessman.
Bo was so furious after finding out that Wang investigated his wife behind his back that he slapped Wang in the face. Realizing that Wang knew too much, Bo demoted Wang and planned to further take him down.
Knowing very well what Bo was capable of, Wang made a run for his life. Thus, the above scene took place in Chengdu.
Wang requested asylum from the Americans and offered secret information, including the case of Gu Kailai’s involvement in murder and Bo’s intention to stage a political coup to overthrow upcoming leader Xi Jinping.
After a few days of intensive investigation, the United States rejected Wang’s asylum request and let Wang leave with officials who flew in from Beijing.
Some of the secrets that Wang provided the Americans reached the ears of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. This led to the downfall of Bo Xilai and several officials from Jiang Zemin’s camp.
One of the top officials connected to Bo was Zhou Yongkang, then head of the PLAC and a Politburo Standing Committee member. Zhou had pushed to have Bo take over the PLAC so that Bo would be in a powerful position to challenge Xi Jinping a few years later.
There were reports that Zhou, after Bo was removed from the post of Chongqing Party Chief, attempted a coup on March 19, 2012. Zhou ordered the armed forces to surround Zhongnanhai where the top leaders consulted. Hu Jintao found out about the plot and ordered the 38th Army, stationed at Baoding, Hebei Province, to come to Beijing. The army surrounded the PLAC’s headquarters before the armed police could take action. They disarmed the armed police, but Zhou managed to escape through an underground tunnel. However, Zhou didn’t run free for long. Later, Xi took Zhou down under corruption charges.
The CCP is known for keeping information behind closed doors to project Party unity to the outside. So it may take a while for the truth to be fully disclosed.
Regardless, a coup attempt occurred, though some details are still not public. People may wonder what the motive was to try to stop XI Jinping from advancing. After all, Xi was recommended by Jiang Zemin to be the Party’s next Party Secretary. Why did Jiang’s faction want to take him down?
The reason is that Jiang’s group worried that they would not be able to keep their power and privileges after Xi Jinping became the paramount leader.
Jiang’s faction had successfully contained Hu for most of the time. However, Hu won sometimes, including the 2006 dismissal, and the conviction and sentencing under corruption charges of Jiang’s protégé Chen Liangyu, whom Jiang planned to succeed Hu. Chen’s downfall was a big deal in that he had been a member of the Politburo of the Communist Party and was a political rival to Hu.
When it came time to plan for the next leader, Jiang was out of cards. Hu had as a candidate, Li Keqiang. To prevent Hu from enthroning his man, Jiang nominated Xi Jinping. Hu agreed, because Xi, not identified on either side, was an acceptable compromise.
Unlike Hu Jintao who rose up in political ranks with no base, Xi Jinping is a princeling (the second generation of a former top CCP top leader). Other princelings, many of whom have political influence, are supportive of Xi. Xi had the legitimacy and a supporting base. It wouldn’t be that easy to control him.
The worrisome thing to Jiang and his gang was that Xi Jinping didn’t have a notable record of abuse of power or corruption. Free of culpability, Xi could, at any time, stop the course of Jiang’s policies and make the criminals accountable.
To Jiang and his faction, the safest way was to take Xi down and enthrone someone from their own group. That person would not want to reverse the corruption system since he was part of it.
That person chosen for this role was to be Bo Xilai. Bo was also a princeling, while also allied with Jiang.
When it was the time to enthrone the new leader in 2012, Bo was not in a position to challenge Xi for that post. So, several members of Jiang’s faction, including Zhou Yongkang, colluded to get Bo to succeed Zhou as the temporary head of the PLAC and after Bo beefed up his power in a few years, the idea was to take the power away from Xi.
However, just as a Chinese idiom goes, “Man proposes but God disposes,” their plan was leaked out by Wang Lijun.
Immediately, Hu Jintao took down Bo Xilai. Later Xi removed from power the following: Zhou Yongkang, Xu Caihou, Guo Boxiong, and Su Rong (vice chairmen of the People’s Political Consultative Conference). All of them were Jiang loyalists with the rank at the state level or deputy state level. The fifth fallen deputy state level official was Ling Jihua, head of the Party’s United Front Work Department and vice chairmen of the People’s Political Consultative Conference. Ling didn’t appear publicly as in Jiang’s camp, but he had close ties with Zhou Yongkang.
The official reason given to the public was corruption. The political coup conspiracy was not mentioned.
The corruption finding was shocking to many Chinese. The government confiscated 90 billion yuan (U.S. $13 billion) from Zhou Yongkang’s family. The cash at Xu Caihou’s home, including renminbi, U.S. dollars, and euros, weighed more than one ton! It took 12 truckloads to haul away the cash, jewelry, ancient paintings, and other precious materials from Xu’s home.
Right after he took office, Xi launched the anti-corruption campaign. Wang Qishan, Xi’s long-time friend and another princeling, was the frontline commander of the campaign. It took only a few years for Xi and Wang to gain the upper hand and become much stronger than their rivals. They expanded the campaign to include many corruption-prone officials who formed factions to protect themselves.
From 2013 to 2016, over 1,400 officials at the rank of deputy department/city level or higher were taken down as “tigers.” In the year of 2016 alone, 49 officials at the provincial or deputy provincial level were removed.
The ministerial/provincial level “tigers” included:
- Zhou Benshun: party secretary of Hebei Province and former chief of staff of the PLAC.
- Wang Min: former party secretary of Liaoning Province.
- Huang Xingguo: mayor of Tianjin and acting party secretary.
- Li Dongsheng: head of the Central “610 Office” and deputy minister of Public Security.
- Jiang Jiemin: head of the State-Owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council.
- Ma Jian: deputy minister of State Security.
Other key persons taken down from the PLAC included:
- Xi Xiaoming: vice president of Supreme People’s Court.
- Zhang Yue: Hebei Provincial Party Standing Committee member and party secretary of Hebei Provincial PLAC.
- Zhu Mingguo: chairman of the Guangdong People’s Political Consultative Conference and former party secretary of Guangdong Provincial PLAC.
- Wu Changshun: Tianjin Police chief.
Most of them were corrupt. Many had persecuted Falun Gong. They were the implementers and beneficiaries of Jiang’s policies.
As more and more of Jiang’s followers gather in prisons, those who have not been charged yet are distressed and anxious at home. Each feels the Sword of Damocles hanging above the head, but just don’t know when it will fall.
Jiang Zemin probably feels the same way.
Some people may call his anti-corruption campaign a political maneuver by Xi to fully wrestle the power away from Jiang’s hands. Indeed, it did that. But from a spiritual vantage point, it had another meaning. The punishment meted out to those officials who persecuted and killed peaceful and innocent Falun Gong believers, even though sentenced ostensibly on an entirely different basis (corruption), was inevitable per the basic principle that rules the universe: good begets good and evil begets evil!
Not only are Jiang’s colluders being taken down, but the system that the CCP created and Jiang reinforced is being cleaned out. Rumors are that even Jiang himself is being targeted.
China’s reform through labor system has long been an object of rebuke by international law and justice authorities. It is a pseudo-prison system whereby the police, (yes, the police, not a judge) adjudicates the cases.
The conditions at the reform through labor camp were inhumane. Treated like prisoners, inmates at the reform through labor camps were forced to perform intensive labor work. Police abuse, physical torture, and inmate bullying were common.
It was also called the Forced Labor Camp.
On April 7, 2013, a report called, “Getting out of Masanjia (走出马三家)” was published in a magazine in China and subsequently published in several popular media in China. It was the first time that China’s own media told of the inhuman torture in China’s labor camp system. It exposed various tortures used at the infamous Masanjia Women’s Reeducation through Labor Camp in Liaoning, including confinement in a solitary cell, electric shock, use of “tiger bench” (tying the victim’s legs tightly on a bench with belts and then adding bricks or hard objects under the victim’s feet until the belts break), and tied on the “death bed” (tying the victim’s limbs and stretching them out in four different directions on an iron “bed” for days).
The report was shocking to the public, although Falun Gong practitioners had repeatedly reported experiencing the same tortures at Masanjia before.
On Dec. 28, 2013, under Xi’s reign, the Standing Committee of the People’s Congress abolished the reform through labor system. Detainees were released.
The Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission (PLAC) is the Party’s organ that oversees legal enforcement in China. It served an important role when Jiang was in control of persecuting Falun Gong.
Zhou Yongkang had built a super powerhouse out of the PLAC, including 1 million armed policemen. After Zhou’s downfall, the power of the PLAC declined.
First, the new PLAC head Meng Jianzhu was only a Politburo member, not a Politburo Standing member. The same was true for Guo Shengkun, his successor in January 2013.
Second, the PLAC’s ability to dominate court rulings and apply high pressure on the public (for the sake of “social stability”) had been reduced, as Xi consolidated his power and stressed the rule of law in China. High-profile cases of the police abusing their power were exposed and publicly discussed on the internet. Some attorneys openly challenged the government for violating the law.
The regime still applies censorship and still controls the attorneys, sometimes even arresting attorneys for their rebellion, but the fact that people dare to openly challenge its authority shows the weakening of PLAC control.
There are also signs that Xi is adjusting his position on the Falun Gong issue.
Inside the CCP system, the highest office that manages the Falun Gong issue is the Central Leading Group for Prevention and Handling of Cult Issues. Execution is carried out by the “610 Offices” at different levels. Zhou Yongkang, then PLAC head, also held the title of the Director of the Central Leading Group before he was removed.
The Central “610 Office” is the second level in the organizational structure. Its director Li Dongsheng was also taken down. The timing of Li’s fall was revealing. Shortly after the European Parliament passed a resolution condemning the CCP for live organ harvesting from Falun Gong practitioners, the CCDI announced the investigation of Li for corruption charges.
The Ministry of Public Security is the main entity that takes action against Falun Gong practitioners. The 26th Bureau of the ministry is the “610 Office” inside the ministry. Zhang Yue, taken down from the post of the Party Secretary of Hebei Provincial PLAC, had served as the director of the 26th Bureau.
With the downfall of Zhou Yongkang, Li Dongsheng, and Zhang Yue, the leadership of the whole “610 Office” system was cleansed.
Though new people were appointed to replace them, and though the “610 Office” system continues to exist at all levels, the reach of the persecution of Falun Gong has been reduced. In addition, in 2017, several local courts throughout the nation acquitted Falun Gong practitioners, which was almost unheard of in the past.
Under the CMC Vice Chairmen Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, two Jiang loyalists, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had established a heavy “bribery begets promotion” culture.
Major General Yang Chunchang provided an example of military corruption at a Phoenix Magazine interview. An officer seeking the commander position of a military command gave Xu Caihou 10 million yuan. Xu took the money and promised the promotion. But after receiving 20 million yuan from another person for the same post, Xu gave the position to the higher bidder.
Inside the military, there were defined “prices” for promotion to the ranks of platoon leader, captain, and commanders of battalion, regiment, divisions, and so on.
At such a corruption level, people question whether the military would really fight.
In September 2015, Xi Jinping, Chairman of the Central Military Commission, announced several military-related reforms. He restructured the commands and realigned the functions. He announced a cut of 300,000 troops that would reduce the number of the PLA to 2 million by 2017. He sought to put a stop to the paid-services (i.e., bribery) that the PLA had engaged in.
One of the reasons for Xi Jinping’s military reform was to trim and clean up the officer ranks that had been thoroughly corrupted by Jiang, Guo, and Xu.
A story can show Xi’s keenness for restoring traditional Chinese culture in China.
The Shanghai Education Bureau decided to cut down the classic ancient Chinese poems and articles in the elementary students’ textbook in 2014. Xi stated that “he is very much against (it)” and “to see this form of ‘de-Sinicization’ (removing Chinese factors and culture) is very sad. We should put these classics into student’s heads to form the genes of Chinese culture.”
Shanghai, being the ultimate base of Jiang’s faction, fought back in its media, claiming that pushing too much to students may simply spoil things and not achieve the goal.
Xi was on his way to Tajikistan at that time. Xi spoke from his plane while flying at 10,000 meters altitude: “Classic ancient poems and articles are part of the Chinese nation’s blood and our genes.… Chinese classes [in school] should teach classic ancient poems and pass on the Chinese tradition.” Chinese media called it “Xi Jinping’s high-altitude speech.”
A few days later, while visiting the Maldives, Xi published an article in his name in the local newspaper, Today’s Evening, and on the website for Sun Online. The article, titled “True Friend, Partner in Development” quoted two Chinese ancient poems.To westerners, whether to study or quote ancient poems may not be a big deal, but it has a significant meaning to Chinese.
No doubt Xi has often shown his love of traditional Chinese culture. However, in many of his speeches, his words are indirect and not openly appreciative of the importance of traditional Chinese culture. For example, consider Xi’s “dream” speech discussed below, which gives mixed signals regarding culture and materialism.
On March 27, 2014, Xi explained Chinese culture and the Chinese dream at the United Nations’ UNESCO Headquarters in Paris. “The Chinese dream will be realized through balanced development and mutual reinforcement of material and cultural progress. Without the continuation and development of civilization or the promotion and prosperity of culture, the Chinese dream will not come true. Forefathers of the Chinese nation yearned for a world of great harmony in which people are free from want and follow a high moral standard. In the Chinese civilization, people’s cultural pursuit has always been part of their life and social ideals. So the realization of the Chinese dream is a process of both material and cultural development. As China continues to make economic and social progress, the Chinese civilization will keep pace with the times and acquire greater vitality.”
Xi has at moments been attuned to the traditional culture of China that serves as a salvation for all. Unfortunately, at the time of the publication of this book, he has still not made a definitive break with the communist spirit that is strangling the nation and bringing ruin to the people’s future.
The CCP has long denounced traditional Chinese culture. One reason was because Chinese culture has a deep connection with higher level beings—invisible beings—that guide civilizations. Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism—the latter two are even indigenous to China—have served important functions in China’s history in teaching people the difference between good and evil, and how to live in harmony with nature and with other peoples. Communism shuts the higher world out of people’s consciousness and accepts only materialism as reality.
Confucianism teaches about rituals and relations among people, which is completely opposite to the communist doctrine of “class struggle.”
Ever since the Communists took control of China, they started to bury traditional Chinese culture. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), the CCP carried out a campaign to “Destroy the Four Olds,” meaning old customs, old cultures, old habits, and old ideas. The CCP completely destroyed traditional culture along with the physical forms that carried traditional culture, including temples, ancient books, and relics. Confucius was publicly denounced.
Bringing back traditional Chinese culture could mean multiple things. At a lower level, it can help some people, especially older Chinese, to recall the traditional morals and to repair what Jiang had destroyed. At a higher level, the religions that Chinese have been following for thousands of years as well as the arts from antiquity can help people discover (or rediscover) their true heritage and see for themselves the wickedness and evil nature of the alien communist rule.
Both Jiang Zemin and the Chinese Communist Party present a test for human beings. The Chinese people receive the tangible side of the test, but it is no less a test for the rest of us living outside mainland China.
Now the curtain is rising. The final episode is in play. The Party is on its final days.
And the ending is clear. We hope this book provided some insights. Will people see what Jiang and the CCP truly represent before it all disintegrates? In hindsight, it will be too late.
There are a few more words we want to say.
The human race has gone through many changes, from the primitive ages to the slavery period, from religious boom to renaissance, and now the 21st century.
We, the human beings of the 21st century, are living in an advanced, technological era:
- Not only can we travel to any city in the world within a day, but we can also go to the Moon and maybe soon to Mars.
- Not only do we not need to fight the enemy troops face-to-face, but we can also from lands and oceans away just push a button, fire a missile, to kill the enemy.
- And not only can we find almost anything on the internet, but we can also stay connected with friends with the internet, no matter how far we are apart.
We are also living in a world of confusion and worries:
- Will the stock market crash tomorrow?
- Will global warming sink New York City?
- Will aliens take over planet Earth?
As we humans are preoccupied with amazing technological advancements and with our own fears and tribulations, we shouldn’t avoid pondering the profound questions:
- Who are we?
- Why are we here?
- How can we discern good from evil?
- Does the divine exist?
- If so, is there a connection between us and the divine?
We wrote this book with the sincere hope that every person, and the human beings on Earth, confronted with cruelties and temptations, can listen to their heart, find the guidance of their conscience, and make the right call, at the critical decision points in their lives.
We hope every being on Earth can pass this test!
Links to all chapters of Unbridled Evil: The Corrupt Reign of Jiang Zemin in China
 Falun Dafa Info Center. (2009, November 18) Spanish Court Indicts Top Communist Party Officials for Torture, Genocide of Falun Gong. https://faluninfo.net/spanish-court-indicts-top-communist-party-officials-for-torture-genocide-of-falun-gong/
 Henao, Luis Andres. (2009, December 22) Argentine judge asks China arrests over Falun Gong. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-argentina-china-falungong/argentine-judge-asks-china-arrests-over-falun-gong-idUSTRE5BM02B20091223
 Johnson Ian. (2000, October 9) Falun Dafa Members’ Suit Blames Personal Vendetta for Treatment. The Wall Street Journal. https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB971027009404460337
 Yu, He. (2015, May 25) New Wave of Lawsuits Against Jiang Zemin—This Time in China. Minghui.org. http://en.minghui.org/html/articles/2015/5/25/150749p.html
 New Tang Dynasty Television. (2016, October 1) More than 4,000 people in Qinhuangdao, Hebei Province jointly petitioned to bring Jiang Zemin to justice. https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2016/10/01/a1289391.html
 The website of Quitting Chinese Communist Party and its affiliated organizations. http://tuidang.epochtimes.com/
 Myers, Steven Lee; Landler, Mark. (2012, April 17) Frenzied Hours for U.S. on Fate of a China Insider. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/18/world/asia/details-emerge-on-us-decisions-in-china-scandal.html
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