The confrontation between two contenders, Wang Yang and Bo Xilai, for Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership positions in the next Party Congress has dominated political commentary in mainland China over the last year. But their war of words is mainly for show; it’s the manipulators behind the scenes who will determine how things really turn out.
Bo Xilai, 62, was relegated to Chongqing City as party chief, while Wang Yang, 56 years-old, is the top official of China’s most populous province, Guangdong.
Bo is known for “striking the black [gangs] and singing red [songs praising the Communist Party]”, and Wang is famous for “raising the cage and changing the bird” (being willing to explore new methods and not be afraid of change).
Bo holds the banner of the left high and praises Mao Zedong, while Wang says that a sense of worry is more important than eulogizing the Party. Bo says that China needs to eat more socialist medicine, while Wang wishes China would breathe in more fresh air from the market economy.
In short, Bo’s “Chongqing Model” is to go back to the old road of socialism; Wang’s “Guangdong Model” is to try a new way of capitalism within the framework of CCP rule. Why are their contrasting opinions allowed to appear in the CCP’s “one voice” political environment?
It’s because both have supporters behind them. Bo’s supporters are the princelings and Party hard-liners, while Wang has the backing of reformist factions. However, it will be hard for China to travel either of the two roads.
For example, Bo has made a push to build low-cost housing in Chongqing, saying he wants to reduce wealth inequalities. “Some people said that we should make a big cake to divide. It sounds plausible, but does not work, because if the cake is not fairly shared, the cake makers will lose their enthusiasm,” he once said. “Thus, the cake will always be small.”
However, people who know Bo understand how he makes empty promises. It’s like the slogans that the CCP used to agitate and mobilize farmers before it seized political power. During its rule, the people’s interests have long been trampled. If socialism can save China, why was the CCP forced to choose the path of reform over the past decades? One hundred years of communist history has proven that socialism is merely a beautiful lie.
Nevertheless, Wang’s road of political reform will prove impossible if the CCP’s autocratic role is not changed.
Shenzhen tried to implement the separation of three powers in its administration: decision-making, implementation, and supervision. But it didn’t work, because supervisory power is not allowed to exist independently from the authoritarian regime, even if it’s only in administrative matters.
Wang stressed the theory of “small government” and “great society” when he visited Shunde in the Pearl River Delta on July 14, which emphasized streamlining the government and improving efficiency and letting organizations in society be self-regulated.
Slogans like “streamlining administration and improving the ability to govern” have been proposed by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao for many years, but they can’t be achieved. On the contrary, the people and government officials don’t see eye to eye, the poor and the rich are against each other, and Chinese society is a powder keg.
If people’s livelihood problems are not solved, and complaints and resentment not ameliorated, CCP’s rule won’t be stable. Thus, such concerns become the thorn in Hu and Wen’s side, and their first priority.
However, the relatively outspoken speech and the advocacy for civil society proposed by Wang will probably speed up the eruption of the volcano.
The struggle between Wang and Bo actually reflects the desperate dilemma faced by Hu and Wen, who deliberately allow these speeches to be released to test and measure the power of the two sides.
Are there more people and Party members in favor of taking the old road, or more supporting political reform? What worries Hu and Wen is that even they themselves don’t know which way to go.
This is the real “struggle of the two roads” before the CCP’s 18th National Congress. The CCP is caught in a desperate dilemma. Does anyone know the way out?
Read the original Chinese article.
[email protected]
Bo Xilai, 62, was relegated to Chongqing City as party chief, while Wang Yang, 56 years-old, is the top official of China’s most populous province, Guangdong.
Bo is known for “striking the black [gangs] and singing red [songs praising the Communist Party]”, and Wang is famous for “raising the cage and changing the bird” (being willing to explore new methods and not be afraid of change).
Bo holds the banner of the left high and praises Mao Zedong, while Wang says that a sense of worry is more important than eulogizing the Party. Bo says that China needs to eat more socialist medicine, while Wang wishes China would breathe in more fresh air from the market economy.
In short, Bo’s “Chongqing Model” is to go back to the old road of socialism; Wang’s “Guangdong Model” is to try a new way of capitalism within the framework of CCP rule. Why are their contrasting opinions allowed to appear in the CCP’s “one voice” political environment?
It’s because both have supporters behind them. Bo’s supporters are the princelings and Party hard-liners, while Wang has the backing of reformist factions. However, it will be hard for China to travel either of the two roads.
For example, Bo has made a push to build low-cost housing in Chongqing, saying he wants to reduce wealth inequalities. “Some people said that we should make a big cake to divide. It sounds plausible, but does not work, because if the cake is not fairly shared, the cake makers will lose their enthusiasm,” he once said. “Thus, the cake will always be small.”
However, people who know Bo understand how he makes empty promises. It’s like the slogans that the CCP used to agitate and mobilize farmers before it seized political power. During its rule, the people’s interests have long been trampled. If socialism can save China, why was the CCP forced to choose the path of reform over the past decades? One hundred years of communist history has proven that socialism is merely a beautiful lie.
Nevertheless, Wang’s road of political reform will prove impossible if the CCP’s autocratic role is not changed.
Shenzhen tried to implement the separation of three powers in its administration: decision-making, implementation, and supervision. But it didn’t work, because supervisory power is not allowed to exist independently from the authoritarian regime, even if it’s only in administrative matters.
Wang stressed the theory of “small government” and “great society” when he visited Shunde in the Pearl River Delta on July 14, which emphasized streamlining the government and improving efficiency and letting organizations in society be self-regulated.
Slogans like “streamlining administration and improving the ability to govern” have been proposed by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao for many years, but they can’t be achieved. On the contrary, the people and government officials don’t see eye to eye, the poor and the rich are against each other, and Chinese society is a powder keg.
If people’s livelihood problems are not solved, and complaints and resentment not ameliorated, CCP’s rule won’t be stable. Thus, such concerns become the thorn in Hu and Wen’s side, and their first priority.
However, the relatively outspoken speech and the advocacy for civil society proposed by Wang will probably speed up the eruption of the volcano.
The struggle between Wang and Bo actually reflects the desperate dilemma faced by Hu and Wen, who deliberately allow these speeches to be released to test and measure the power of the two sides.
Are there more people and Party members in favor of taking the old road, or more supporting political reform? What worries Hu and Wen is that even they themselves don’t know which way to go.
This is the real “struggle of the two roads” before the CCP’s 18th National Congress. The CCP is caught in a desperate dilemma. Does anyone know the way out?
Read the original Chinese article.
[email protected]
