Most of Washington finally realizes—even if grudgingly—that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is a threat.
Indeed, President Donald Trump’s challenge resembles that of President Ronald Reagan, who, upon taking office in 1981, sought to counter a growing geopolitical threat after a period of strategic disadvantage for the United States.
It looks like another Cold War—the sort the United States and the Soviet Union waged from 1945 to 1991.
Should we call it “Cold War Two”?
Sometimes language matters, and sometimes it doesn’t.
In this case, it doesn’t.
For starters, a large chunk of the U.S. population wasn’t even born when the Cold War ended.
The expression won’t resonate.
Even more, the Chinese regime doesn’t distinguish between “cold war” or any other type of war.
To the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), war is war. The absence of shooting (going “kinetic”) doesn’t mean that it’s not a life-or-death fight.
Anything goes.
The Soviets wouldn’t have dared to kill well more than half a million U.S. citizens with fentanyl during the Cold War—as the PRC has done over the past decade.
Different Than the Cold War
The current struggle with the PRC differs from the one the United States faced with the Soviet Union during the Cold War.The People’s Liberation Army is also a bigger military threat than the Soviet military, especially considering the nature of the regime behind it and the PRC’s economic clout.
The Soviet Union was not an economic power in any sense, and the United States did little business with it.
Conversely, China emerged in the global order thanks to U.S. investment and technology doled out over four decades and thanks to the ill-advised decision to allow the PRC into the World Trade Organization.
Worse, the United States is dangerously, if not suicidally, dependent on Chinese manufacturing, components, key minerals, pharmaceuticals, and other products.
Even U.S. military supply chains are deeply tied to China.
And Chinese elite capture in the United States is far worse than anything the Russians ever achieved.
How successful? Consider the aforementioned Chinese-origin fentanyl.
What punishment has Congress or any administration imposed on Beijing for this mass murder? None. Such is the power of the U.S. “donor” class over Capitol Hill.
And then, there are the national objectives of Russia and the CCP.
From the 1970s onward, the Russians never really thought they could defeat the United States. The CCP under Xi Jinping believes it can.
Another distinction between then and now is Russia and its allies. While they were able to cause trouble—particularly by subversion and support for terrorist and insurgent groups—they never really threatened the United States or its place in the world, as long as the United States kept its nerve.
The Chinese regime, on the other hand, has relationships with Russia, Iran, North Korea, Venezuela, Cuba, and several other countries that, taken together, can pose serious problems for the United States and its partners.
Their strategic interests now align, while the United States allowed its defenses and economic might to lapse after it “won” the first Cold War.
The United States’ partners are in even worse shape.
As for the “axis of chaos,” without help from the Chinese regime, Iran, and North Korea, Russia would not have managed to prosecute its assault on Ukraine for as long and effectively as it has.
US Response
Trump understands the risks we face from communist China, even if he often uses restrained language.Many national security authorities recognize the CCP threat. Trump’s top national security officials—national security adviser Mike Waltz, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, and others—believe in “peace through strength.”
Whether other officials—particularly “restrainers” and promoters of “cooperation spirals” with the Chinese regime who are inexplicably showing up in the administration—will gum up the works is unclear and worrisome.
What we face now is worse than the Cold War—one almost waxes nostalgic.
Rather than fretting over what to call today’s struggle, it’s more important to clearly understand and articulate the threat posed by the CCP—and the need to forcefully defend the United States and its interests.
Nobody has done that, or at least well enough to convince most U.S. citizens.
And don’t just talk about the problem.
Strengthen the U.S. military by eradicating diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives and finding senior officers who can fight and win wars.
Rebuild the U.S. industrial and manufacturing base, and get the country’s finances in order—instead of spending like drunken sailors and debasing the U.S. currency and global trust in it.
Pressure the Chinese regime where it is vulnerable: trade, technology, human rights, CCP legitimacy, a currency that few people want, and high-level corruption.
And stop funding and providing the technology and convertible currency that has built up the Chinese military and economy.
Wean ourselves off the China market—and fast.
Decoupling is essential. Let the world develop a “free world” trading bloc and another one for the “unfree” countries.
The Chinese regime is the main enemy—defang it, and Russia, Iran, and North Korea are relatively easier to handle. In the meantime, apply comprehensive pressure on all of them and don’t let up.
There is no deal to be cut with the CCP.
What matters is to win the fight we are in—and if we lose, it won’t matter what we call it.
