Trump Win Would Be Detrimental for the CCP

Trump Win Would Be Detrimental for the CCP
President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping (not shown) speak to business leaders at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Nov. 9, 2017. (Thomas Peter/Pool/Getty Images)
Antonio Graceffo
3/25/2024
Updated:
3/25/2024
0:00
Commentary

Former President Donald Trump challenged the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on multiple fronts, including trade, investment, human rights, Taiwan, and even in space. With a struggling economy and losing ground in international diplomacy, a second Trump presidency would be detrimental to the CCP.

During the 2016 election cycle, President Trump took a tough stance on China. As soon as he took office, he began imposing restrictions on Chinese trade and investment. He strengthened the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) by signing into law the Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act (FIRRMA) in 2018, which expanded CFIUS’s authority to review and block foreign investments, particularly those from China, that could pose a threat to national security.
President Trump imposed hundreds of billions of dollars worth of tariffs on China. The mainstream media and some think tanks criticized the tariffs, labeling them as ineffective or as a tax on American taxpayers. However, it’s important to note that this tax was paid within the United States rather than flowing back to China. Although the tariffs didn’t achieve a balance in U.S.–China trade, they did inflict damage on the Chinese economy. Ultimately, these tariffs facilitated a shift in trade and investment from China to the NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) tariff-free trade zone, leading to Mexico becoming the largest trade partner of the United States.
For all the Democrats’ condemnation of the Trump tariffs, President Joe Biden kept most of them in place and has steadily increased trade restrictions on China. Furthermore, President Trump has vowed that if he is reelected, he will increase the tariffs, possibly raising them to 60 percent.
Another area where President Trump focused his attention was China’s ability to obtain American technology and use it to further its own weapons programs, which pose a threat to the United States and Taiwan. President Trump was criticized for even beginning this discussion, but he pushed through various means to cut off the CCP’s access to U.S. technology. President Biden has continued and expanded this policy, most notably through the so-called chip ban. Similar to the tariff situation, President Trump is expected to tighten these restrictions even further if he regains office.
Although many of the policies have been the same, their approach to TikTok is an example of how the two presidents view China differently. President Trump agrees with the U.S. Department of Defense, which considers TikTok a national security threat. In contrast, the Biden campaign opened an official TikTok account—despite TikTok being banned on most government devices. Technically, if President Biden or his staff were to access the account from the White House or on a government device, they may be guilty of a national security breach. President Biden justifies this lapse in security as a means of reaching younger voters.

Consequently, the CCP is facing two options: Biden, a president who is willing to compromise national security to get reelected, and Trump, a president who prioritizes national security in order to get reelected.

Under the Trump administration, the United States filed more complaints against China with the World Trade Organization (WTO) than under the Biden administration. President Trump even considered withdrawing the United States from the WTO, citing concerns that the organization was expensive and ineffective. His grievances included unfair treatment of the United States, disagreements with WTO rulings, a desire for more favorable trade terms, an America First agenda, concerns about national sovereignty, weak enforcement, and disproportionate financial contributions.
The bottom line is that the former president was willing to sink the WTO rather than compromise U.S. interests for Beijing’s sake. In contrast, the Biden administration has made efforts to reassure the WTO of U.S. support and the White House’s ongoing commitment to the organization. Ostensibly, this means continuing support for the WTO, even if it supports China.
The slogans of the two presidencies are very telling. President Trump’s “America First“ and ”Make America Great Again“ prioritize American interests over those of other nations, including the CCP’s. In contrast, President Biden’s ”Build Back Better” slogan doesn’t prioritize any specific entity and in no way challenges the liberal, international order that the CCP exploits.
At a time when the Chinese economy is struggling, and trade and investment are in decline, the CCP needs a compliant White House rather than a hawkish one. A Trump presidency would entail tighter trade and investment restrictions, limiting China’s economic and military growth. To maintain its international standing, the CCP requires the international community to refrain from intervening in its internal affairs and holding it accountable for human rights violations. However, the Trump administration repealed Hong Kong’s special status, signed the Uyghur Human Rights Act into law, and stationed U.S. military personnel in Taiwan for the first time since 1979.
The Trump presidency not only protected American interests from the CCP at home and abroad but also extended its reach to outer space. President Trump inaugurated Space Force specifically to counter the increasing threats posed by China and Russia.

Given the former president’s track record and tough stance on China, it would seem logical that the CCP would prefer a Biden win and fear a second Trump term.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Antonio Graceffo, PhD, is a China economic analyst who has spent more than 20 years in Asia. Mr. Graceffo is a graduate of the Shanghai University of Sport, holds a China-MBA from Shanghai Jiaotong University, and currently studies national defense at American Military University. He is the author of “Beyond the Belt and Road: China’s Global Economic Expansion” (2019).
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