Many conservatives and all libertarians say that ours is a creedal nation. What they mean is simple: American citizenship depends on adherence to a few principles laid out in the Founding documents. G.K. Chesterton thought that the core lay in the Declaration, where it is “set forth with dogmatic and even theological lucidity,” he said. The Constitution is a more practical expression of those high-sounding phrases. If you swear an oath to it after immigrating a year earlier, you’re as good an American as anyone, even the neighbor whose ancestors arrived in the New World two centuries earlier. Other types of conservatives believe more is involved than creed, that American identity has a tradition behind it, one associated most with the English people and other northern Europeans, but these conservatives, too, regard the creedal factor as essential to the American character.
This lays the burden of producing faithful citizens on the schools, where civic knowledge is taught and tested. If all or much of American-ness is a matter of ideas, the places where ideas transfer from old to young are crucial. We need classrooms in high school and college to teach the texts, explain what the Founders thought and why they did what they did, when and why the Supreme Court ruled on this issue and that one, and what all those laws and norms require of citizens. This is why Common Core inserted the following standard in a section on reading informational works in grades 11 and 12:
States that don’t follow Common Core (there are 15 of them) set similar tasks, such as Virginia’s requirement that kids study not only the documents in Common Core’s standards but also the Stamp Act, “Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death,” the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, and many more civic statements.
And yet every survey and test result that surfaces in recent years comes up with the same result: that civic knowledge in the population is low enough to count as a genuine crisis. You wouldn’t think that’s the case, though, if you were to look at the next level of learning, our colleges and universities. It used to be common for elite and non-elite institutions to have a straightforward U.S. history requirement that included discussions of Founding principles, which would be necessary to prepare young Americans for full rights and duties of citizenship. Freshmen and sophomores couldn’t avoid it.
Now, that commonplace has largely disappeared. Schools don’t require a U.S. history category; instead, they favor abstractions such as the University of Iowa’s “Culture, society, and the arts” and the University of Oregon’s “Social studies” and “US: Difference, Inequality, and Agency.” At Iowa, one can meet the social studies demand with the old-fashioned-sounding American History to 1877 or with Images of Modern Italy or with Roots, Rock, and Rap: A History of Popular Music (there are dozens of such boutique offerings). Oregon’s second category is based upon “OU student activism” that addresses “power imbalances that have shaped and continue to shape the United States.” Courses that meet the requirement include those on Black Lives Matter, American radicalism, and feminist theory.
Some states have done so already in various ways, including Florida, Arkansas, Utah, and Ohio. They prove that legislatures can act to remedy the deficiencies of civics education on campus. Their efforts should be repeated in every state in the country.







