So here we are, nearly four years to the day after Donald Trump was elected president of the United States and nearly four years to day plus one when the plot to remove him from office—by any means necessary—began. And, as of this writing, it appears it may finally succeed.
With the corrupt and partisan media edging toward declaring Joe Biden the presumptive president-elect—you can practically hear the salivation—the Democrats’ long march through the institutions of the American electoral system is nearly complete. Scripted as carefully but as predictably as a run-of-the-mill Hollywood thriller, the Democrats played every card and sprung every trap on their way to achieve a media, if not genuine, victory over their hated enemy.
After their surprise 2016 loss, the Democrat/Media complex relearned the importance of the Electoral College, a zero-sum game in which all the winner has to do is get to 270 votes. Despite all their complaints about how Hillary Clinton “won” the popular vote—which doesn’t matter a whit—this year they went back to the maps and realized the key to victory lay exactly where it had lain for Trump: in Pennsylvania and the upper Midwest.
And so, via their control of the big-city machines in cities with large minority populations (Detroit, Milwaukee, and above all Philadelphia), that’s where they concentrated their efforts to steal this election.
Under the guise of “fairness” and “inclusivity,” the Democrats pushed the boundaries of election law, making it easier to register (motor voters), easier to vote “early,” easier to avoid the lines on Election Day (mail-in), and easier to be able to vote after the polls closed via late-arriving mail ballots, even those (as in Pennsylvania) without postmarks and with other irregularities.
Every one of these “reforms” was an opportunity—and invitation—to fraud. And once the chimera of COVID-19 struck, and the state governors, most of them Democrats, discovered how easily constitutional protections (freedom of speech, assembly, religious practice) could be dispensed with nary a demurral, the way was clear to use the CCP virus as the all-purpose excuse for the demolition of protective election laws.
It was no surprise, therefore, to have seen Trump commanding solid leads in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Georgia on Tuesday night, only to wake up Wednesday morning to learn that hundreds of thousands of Biden votes had mysteriously materialized overnight. Nor, by the end of the week, to read media stories about how the somnolent non-entity from Delaware was “closing the gap” on Trump, like a race horse coming on at the end to nip the front-runner at the wire.
The mechanism was simple: flood the electorate with unsolicited ballots due to the “pandemic,” establish collection points from which they could be scooped up and monitored, sit back to watch the honest electorate stand socially distanced at the polls in the mistaken belief that Election Day actually meant something anymore, count into the wee hours, suddenly “suspend” the tallies while figuring out exactly how many votes would be needed to erase Trump’s lead over time, and then declare Biden the winner.
And so it has unfolded. By the time all the “votes” will have been “counted,” Trump will have lost not only Michigan and Wisconsin but Pennsylvania and—just to add insult to injury—Georgia, where the hulking shadow of Stacey Abrams will at last be avenged for her narrow loss in the gubernatorial race there two years ago.
But there’s no evidence of voter fraud, cries the Left, ignoring the manifest circumstantial evidence in plain sight: the numerical disparity between the presidential votes and the down-ballot races; the polling place closed to GOP observers; the mysterious shutdowns; the timely appearance of extra Biden votes.
There is also the reprehensible collusion of the media, which refused to call races for Trump all evening, thus always keeping him behind in the EV count, even when he was in fact well ahead. The pollsters did their part as well, consistently gaslighting the public with absurd predictions of a Biden landslide—something that they knew not to be true—in an effort to sway public opinion and discourage GOP turnout.
Drain the Swamp
The president’s legal team is already filing suits and exploring other legal avenues. If this actually turns out to be a way to finally convince the public of the fundamental dishonesty of Tammany-style elections, great. But the optics are terrible: “see!” the Democrats exclaim, “we told you he wouldn’t go quietly!”
Chief Justice John Roberts didn’t do his country any favors by blocking the Supreme Court from considering the legality of Pennsylvania’s arbitrary extension of the election period when his vote deadlocked the court in October. Maybe now, sometime after the next inauguration, they’ll rule on the illegality of it, with Amy Coney Barrett finally being allowed to have a say, but by then it will be too late.
Ah, but the “integrity” of the Court will have been upheld.
Also, where is Attorney General Bill Barr, the do-nothing AG who is starting to make the hapless Jeff Sessions look good? Granted, under our constitution, the states are tasked with running their own separate elections for national office.
But Barr’s flaccid leadership at Justice has been a disgrace, as has been U.S. attorney John Durham’s supposed investigation into the origins of the “Russian collusion” hoax. Where are the results? The American people had a right to know if any crimes were committed by the Deep State munchkins four years ago—but no. In the interests of “getting convictions,” Durham couldn’t bring himself either to bring indictments or dismiss speculation before the election, when it might have made a difference.
Trump should fire them both, today. If this is indeed the last three months of his administration, immediate wholesale dismissals of political appointees should be the order of the day: Christopher Wray at the FBI, who would rather investigate phantom nooses in NASCAR garages than clean his own house; Gina Haspel at the CIA, Deep State Central and an agency badly in need from top-down reformation if not actual elimination.
This, after all, was the issue upon which the president was elected. There’s still plenty of time for him to make good on that pledge. Up and down the federal government, meaningful changes can still be wrought, and a newly liberated Trump could and should finally act on his desires to drain as much of the Swamp as he can before ceding power.
Whatever happens, one change must be wrought: the power of the media to declare outcomes must be broken. Who died and made the Associated Press and the cable networks the arbiters of the election? Who gave them the power to “call” the states for one candidate or another? There’s nothing either legal or constitutional about this.
With reporters having abandoned all pretense of fairness in covering this president, why should anyone believe a thing they say? For four years we’ve read in the New York Times—the Pravda of today—that the president “falsely,” “baselessly,” or “without evidence” made a statement with which they disagree. If the Times and other publications have unilaterally abandoned their promises of fairness and objectivity (and they have), why can’t we reciprocate?
With the first amendment already abrogated—something the journalists have cheered as long as it doesn’t apply to them—perhaps it’s time to rethink the whole “freedom of the press” thing along with freedom of speech, et al. Holding the media responsible for libel by reversing the Sullivan decision—something Justice Clarence Thomas has signaled he’d be open to—would be a good start.
In short, make the media suffer for what they’ve put the country through. Now that would be “change” the country could believe in.
Michael Walsh is the editor of The-Pipeline.org and the author of “The Devil’s Pleasure Palace” and “The Fiery Angel,” both published by Encounter Books. His latest book, “Last Stands,” a cultural study of military history from the Greeks to the Korean War, will be published in December by St. Martin’s Press.