The Corruption of the CCP’s Satellite Launch Center Deserves Attention

The Corruption of the CCP’s Satellite Launch Center Deserves Attention
A Long March-2C rocket, carrying the Einstein Probe satellite, lifts off from the Xichang Satellite Launch Center in Xichang, in southwestern China's Sichuan Province on Jan. 9, 2024. (STR/AFP via Getty Images)
Yue Shan
1/15/2024
Updated:
1/18/2024
0:00
Commentary
As Taiwan approached its election day, China launched a satellite on Jan. 9 from the Xichang Satellite Launch Center (XSLC) in southwest China. Nonetheless, the trajectory of the satellite launch rocket displayed abnormalities as it passed through Taiwan’s air defense identification zone and triggered a national-level air defense alert in Taiwan. Concurrently with China’s cracking down on corrupt rocket forces, many leading figures purged have had work experience or relations with the satellite launch centers responsible for missile launches—in particular, the XSLC.

Xichang Satellite Launch Center

Public data show there are four satellite launch centers in China: Xichang Satellite Launch Center, Jiuquan Satellite Launch Center, Taiyuan Satellite Launch Center, and Wenchang Satellite Launch Center (which is under the jurisdiction of Xichang Satellite Launch Center).

These satellite launch facilities, which used to be part of the General Armaments Department, were reassigned to the Strategic Support Force after the military reform in 2015, when the General Armaments Department also was restructured and became the Central Military Commission Equipment Development Department.

In the latest military purge, on Dec. 29, 2023, all nine defense figures were implicated with equipment-related corruption, including formerly ousted defense minister Li Shangfu.

Based on their career paths, many of them had work experience in the XSLC, the armament departments, or both.

Li Shangfu, for instance, after graduating from the National Defense University in 1982, joined the XSLC and was promoted to director and commander in December 2003.

He took on the role of chief of staff at the General Armaments Department in 2013, became the deputy director in 2014, and assumed the position of director of the Equipment Development Department of the Central Military Commission in 2017.

Zhang Zhenzhong, one of the nine purged military figures, as another example, succeeded Li Shangfu as XSLC director and commander in 2013. He was promoted to deputy commander of the Rocket Force in 2016 and took on the role of deputy chief of staff of the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission in March 2022.

Judging from previous cases, officials under investigation generally started engaging in corrupt practices during pivotal positions in their early careers. Regarding military corruption, particularly concerning equipment in the satellites and rocket systems, which hold significant importance, the veiled details have yet to be fully revealed.

Chinese leader Xi Jinping has naturally inherited the problem of corruption from the preceding eras of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Despite the significant purge effort and the military reforms in 2015, the unchanging authoritarian structure within the CCP has only made the military corruption even more obscure and covert.

The generals promoted by Xi in leadership roles also appear to be susceptible to corruption. From this perspective, despite Xi’s claim of a robust anti-corruption stance, he has only extended and continued the corruption inherited from previous administrations.

Guo Boxiong, the former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, was sentenced to life imprisonment in 2016 with corruption charges. While in office, he was responsible for overseeing both the General Staff and the General Armaments Department. The Guo family and individuals closely associated with him were also involved in smuggling military goods and engaging in corrupt practices to amass wealth. Corruption within the domain of satellite and rocket equipment, under Mr. Guo’s jurisdiction, is inevitably implicated.

Jiang Mianheng, the son of former CCP leader Jiang Zemin, who was known to govern the regime with corrupt officials, was involved in Chinese satellite development during his earlier tenure as the vice president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. He served as the deputy general commander of China’s Manned Space Program and the deputy general commander of the Shenzhou 5 mission, maintaining close ties with the XSLC. According to the official website of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, on Sept. 24, 2011, Jiang Mianheng visited the XSLC and held meetings with officials from the center and China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation.

As the pattern of corrupt officials’ confessing and pointing fingers at each other continues, it’s possible that more military leaders will be implicated. However, Xi may choose to keep such information undisclosed to prevent negative consequences.

The ongoing phenomenon of military personnel’s disappearing could undoubtedly disturb the morale within the ranks, posing the risk of internal upheaval. In this context, despite Xi’s threats and the potential for military action against Taiwan, his own ruling stability within the CCP might be at risk.

Yue Shan is a freelance writer who used to work for CCP’s government organizations and listed Chinese real estate companies in his early years. He is familiar with the inner workings of the CCP’s system and its political and business relations and is dedicated to analyzing Chinese politics and current trends. He has been a long-time contributor to several Chinese media outlets based in the U.S. and Taiwan.
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