China Removes Former Hong Kong Envoy Zhang Xiaoming From Top Advisory Role

“This marks the complete withdrawal of the Jiang faction’s power, and Xi Jinping has begun to fully control Hong Kong,” said veteran media figure Cheng Xiang.

Zhang Xiaoming, Director of China's Liaison Office in Hong Kong, attends the funeral of Cheng Yu-tung, founder of Hong Kong property group New World Development, in Hong Kong, China on Oct. 13, 2016. Bobby Yip/Reuters

News Analysis 

On the eve of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s Two Sessions, Zhang Xiaoming, the former director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, was suddenly removed from his position as deputy secretary-general of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC).

The incident draws attention to the power struggle between current CCP leader Xi Jinping and the faction of former CCP leader Jiang Zemin.

“This marks the complete withdrawal of the Jiang faction’s power, and Xi Jinping has begun to fully control Hong Kong,” Veteran media figure and political commentator Cheng Xiang told The Epoch Times.

Zhang Xiaoming, aged 61, served in the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office from 1986 until 2022, spanning 34 years. He held various high-ranking positions, from the third secretary of the Chinese side of the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group to the director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. He was involved in drafting the Basic Law of Hong Kong and establishing the Provisional Legislative Council for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

During his tenure in Hong Kong, Mr. Zhang was known for his outspokenness and made several controversial statements. In September 2014, when asked if Beijing would allow pro-democracy figures to serve as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, he said, “Allowing you to live shows the civilization and tolerance of the country.” However, he later said that some media had “quoted him out of context” with “malicious intent.”

In October 2014, during the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong, Mr. Zhang was asked for his opinion, to which he raised his right hand towards the sky, saying “the sun will still rise.”

In 2015, during a seminar on the Basic Law of Hong Kong, Mr. Zhang said that the Chief Executive had a special legal status superior to the executive, legislative, and judicial branches and that “Hong Kong is not a political system that exercises the separation of powers,” causing a stir. The Hong Kong Bar Association issued a statement expressing concern over his remarks, stating that Mr. Zhang’s remarks had caused public anxiety.

After the Hong Kong national security law took effect in 2020, Mr. Zhang and then-Chief Executive Carrie Lam were among 11 Chinese and Hong Kong officials sanctioned by the United States for undermining Hong Kong’s autonomy. Zhang said he was “proud” of this.

In June 2022, Mr. Zhang, a key figure of the Jiang faction in Hong Kong, was suddenly removed from his position at the Hong Kong Liaison Office, the CCP’s official representative office in Hong Kong, and transferred to the “idle position” of deputy secretary-general of the CPPCC. Now, even this position is gone.

“It’s very abnormal for Zhang Xiaoming to be dismissed just before the CPPCC is about to convene. Obviously, it’s a kind of ‘punitive arrangement’ by Xi, which is a warning to within the party,” said Tang Jingyuan, a China affairs specialist and senior columnist for The Epoch Times.

Hong Kong Vied For by Different CCP Factions

Mr. Cheng, who had connections with top-rank CCP factions, believes that Mr. Zhang’s removal “marks the complete withdrawal of the Jiang faction’s power, and Xi Jinping has begun to fully control Hong Kong.”

According to Mr. Cheng, various high-level factions within the CCP are intervening in Hong Kong affairs, and the degree of control over Hong Kong and Macao affairs reflects the strength of their factions.

Due to its special historical background, Hong Kong was an important base for the CCP’s “revolution” before 1949, he said.

Based on the material about the Lin Biao anti-party group coup compiled in 1972, Lin Liguo (former CCP leader Lin Biao’s son) took a large number of terrain photos in Guangdong Province; he also flew over the prescribed route by plane and inspected the terrain of Kowloon in Hong Kong.

“In case of emergency, the leader (referring to Lin Biao) can come to Hong Kong to command and remotely control,” said Lin Liguo.

“Although Hong Kong was still under British control at that time, it had already become a battleground for the CCP’s top leadership, which was shocking,” Mr. Cheng said.

“The top CCP leadership still follows the tradition of the ‘underground party’ to this day, operating its own intelligence network in Hong Kong. On one occasion, I learned that each of the seven standing committee members had a team stationed in Hong Kong to collect and operate intelligence. The purpose was to maintain their influence in Hong Kong as much as possible.”

The teams of these seven standing committee members had two main tasks: first, they monitored various sectors of Hong Kong society. If there were negative comments or criticisms about their bosses, they needed to report them in a timely manner. Second, they monitored the movements of other standing committee members in Hong Kong.

How Leung Chun-ying’s Won HK Election

According to Mr. Cheng, not only did Hong Kong become a battleground for various CCP factions, but even the election of its chief executive has become the CCP leadership’s bargaining chip to balance their interests in the mainland.

In 2012, Leung Chun-ying narrowly won the Hong Kong Chief Executive election with 689 votes. Before the election, Leung Chun-ying’s popularity declined, with Henry Tang Ying-yen considered a favorite.

Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying holds a press conference in Hong Kong on December 9, 2016. Anthony Wallace/AFP/Getty Images

“Originally, Beijing arranged Tang Ying-yen to take over. Many people in the Hong Kong political and business circles knew about it,” Mr. Cheng said. “Because Tang had the blessing of Jiang Zemin, and the relationship between the two families was deep. The Liaison Office even called on everyone to vote for Tang.”

“However, three weeks before the vote, members of the election committee were suddenly called to Shenzhen for a meeting and told, ‘The person currently favored by the central [authority] is not Tang, but Leung Chun-ying. We need to change the candidate at the last minute.’ Members of the election committee were all surprised.”

Mr. Cheng later learned from various sources that the result of the Hong Kong Chief Executive election was a three-way exchange of interests between the soon-to-be-appointed Xi, former CCP president Hu Jintao, and Jiang. In exchange for Xi and Hu taking over the governance of Hong Kong, Jiang was able to retain the influence of its faction across mainland China after Xi took office.

At the time of the 2012 Hong Kong Chief Executive election, Xi had not formally taken office but was still the Vice President and the leader of the Leading Group for Hong Kong and Macao Affairs. His power was not yet solidified.

Mr. Cheng revealed that the main reason was that Xi did not want someone from Jiang’s faction to become the Hong Kong leader. Even though Xi had no connection with Mr. Leung, he chose Leung between the two in haste.

“Hu Jintao’s acceptance of cooperation with Xi also had conditions. Friends within [the CCP] told me that Hu Jintao’s condition was very clear, which was to ensure that the two major generals of his faction, Wang Yang and Hu Chunhua, became the Secretary and Deputy Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee,” he said.

According to Mr. Cheng’s revelation, the incident also brought about a small episode. At the time, a tycoon expressed disagreement, who was Li Ka-shing.

“Since Li Ka-shing did not give face to Xi on this issue, their relationship has not been resolved to this day. This also helps explain why Li Ka-shing deployed to withdraw from mainland China after Xi took office,” he said.

Pro-Beijing Camp May Be Affected

With Mr. Zhang’s demotion and the decline of the Jiang faction, whether those in the pro-Beijing camp closely related to Mr. Zhang will be implicated has also become a focus of attention.

Recently, Mr. Leung and his confidants have been acting frequently, showing obvious signs of challenging Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu.

Chief Executive of Hong Kong, John Lee Ka Chiu on June 6, 2023. Bill Cox/The Epoch Times

Chan Ching Sum, a pro-Beijing Hong Kong figure, first posted a long article online lambasting John Lee. Furthermore, during the visit of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office Director Xia Baolong on Feb. 26, Chan submitted a petition to the Liaison Office and delivered a speech to the media present, criticizing the Hong Kong authorities for messing up Hong Kong.

Political commentator Wang Anran believes that Chan’s actions are likely backed by Mr. Leung, who is now vice chairman of the CPPCC.

Mr. Leung’s failure to get re-elected was due to the Occupy Central movement in 2014. In terms of political performance, Mr. Leung did a better job than Mr. Lee. At least he did not run a deficit every year. Now Mr. Leung wants to take his position back, so he asked his people to come out to make some fuss, said Mr. Wang.

However, The Epoch Times columnist Shi Shan believes that Leung’s attempts will not only fail but may also run into trouble.

“The fact that Zhang Xiaoming’s career is in tatters proves that the Jiang faction has completely lost its power, which signals that its remaining part in Hong Kong will also be eliminated. Leung, who is also a member of the Jiang faction, will be very nervous,” he said.

“Various CCP institutions have planted their own connections and established their own underground networks in Hong Kong. These underground members are the most affected. Xi will not trust those who once followed Jiang.”