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Table of Contents
1. Communism via Violence and Nonviolence
2. War of Espionage and Disinformation
3. From the New Deal to Progressivism
4. The Cultural Revolution of the West
5. The Antiwar and Civil Rights Movements
The 2016 American presidential election was one of the most dramatic in decades. Though voter turnout was a low 58 percent, the campaign trail was full of twists and turns that persisted even after the election. The winner, Republican candidate Donald Trump, found himself besieged by negative media coverage and protests in cities around the nation. The demonstrators held signs emblazoned with slogans such as “Not My President” and declared Trump was racist, sexist, xenophobic, or a Nazi. There were demands for a recount and threats of impeachment.
Investigative journalism has revealed that many of these protests were instigated by certain interest groups. As shown in “America Under Siege: Civil War 2017,” a documentary directed by Florida-based researcher Trevor Loudon, a significant portion of the demonstrators were “professional revolutionaries” with ties to communist regimes and other authoritarian states, such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, or Cuba. Loudon’s work also highlighted the role of two prominent American socialist organizations, the Stalinist Workers World Party and the Maoist Freedom Road Socialist Organization. 
Having researched the communist movement since the 1980s, Loudon determined that left-wing organizations have made the United States their primary target for infiltration and subversion. The fields of American politics, education, media, and business have increasingly shifted to the left under the influence of well-placed individuals. Even as people around the globe cheered the triumph of the free world after the Cold War, communism was stealthily taking over public institutions of Western society in preparation for the final struggle.
America is the light of the free world and carries out the God-given mission of policing the globe. It was the involvement of the United States that determined the outcomes of the world wars. During the Cold War, facing the menace of nuclear holocaust, America successfully contained the Soviet bloc until the disintegration of the Soviet and Eastern European communist regimes.
The Founding Fathers of America applied their knowledge of Western religious and philosophical traditions to write the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. These documents recognize as self-evident the rights bestowed upon man by God — starting with the freedoms of belief and speech — and established separation of powers to guarantee the republican system of government. While the United States fought a civil war, that war was for the purpose of fully realizing America’s founding principles by ending the institution of slavery. Over 200 years, those principles have done an unparalleled job of promoting “domestic tranquility” and securing the “general welfare” promised in the preamble to the Constitution.
The freedom of the Western Hemisphere runs directly counter to the goal of communism, which is to enslave and destroy humanity. Masking itself with the beautiful vision of a collective, egalitarian society, communism directed its envoys in human society to carry out its schemes across the entire world.
While communism manifests itself in Eastern countries, such as the Soviet Union or China, as totalitarian governments, mass killing, and the destruction of traditional culture, it has been silently and steadily gaining control over the West using subversion and disinformation. It is eroding the economy, political processes, social structures, and moral fabric of humanity to bring about its degeneration and destruction.
Since the Communist Party does not have leadership over Western countries, communist supporters, wittingly or not, disguise themselves by infiltrating all sorts of organizations and institutions. There are at least four major forces driving communist subversion in the West.
The first agent of subversion was the Soviet Union, which founded the communist Third International (Comintern) to spread revolution worldwide. Starting in the 1980s, the Chinese communists implemented economic reform. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established political, business, and cultural exchanges that gave it an opportunity to infiltrate the West.
The second means of subversion was effected by local communist parties, which worked with the Soviet Communist Party and the Comintern.
Third, economic crisis and social upheaval have encouraged many Western governments to adopt socialist policies in the last few decades, resulting in a steady shift to the left.
The fourth force of subversion comes from those who sympathize with and support the Communist Party and socialism. These fellow travelers serve communism as a fifth column of “useful idiots” within Western society, helping to destroy its culture, sow moral degeneracy, and undermine legitimate governments.
It is well beyond the scope of this work to provide a comprehensive account of communist infiltration in the West, given its opaque and circuitous nature. By understanding the broad strokes, however, readers can start to see how evil operates and learn to see through its layers of deception. For the sake of brevity, this chapter offers a general overview of communism’s reach in the United States and Western Europe.
1. Communism via Violence and Nonviolence
In the popular imagination, the Communist Party is synonymous with violence, and with good reason. In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels said: “The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” 
The fact that the communist regimes of Russia and China took power through violent revolution and used violence as a tool of repression drew attention away from communism’s less visible forms.
The branch of Marxism that advocates violent revolution is represented by Leninism, which adapted the theory in two significant respects. According to Marx, communist revolution would begin in advanced capitalist countries, but Lenin believed that socialism could be built in Russia, which was comparatively backward in its economic development.
Lenin’s second and more important contribution to Marxism was his doctrine of party-building.
Party-building basically consisted of adopting the techniques of coercion, deception, and violence found in criminal organizations, and animating them with Marxist socioeconomic theory. According to Lenin, the working class is incapable of developing class consciousness or demanding revolution on its own, and must be rallied to action by external action. The agents of revolution would be organized in a highly disciplined proletarian “vanguard” — the Communist Party.
The British Fabian Society, founded in 1884, a year after Marx’s death, took a different path in the struggle to impose socialism. The Fabian logo depicts a wolf in sheep’s clothing, and its name is a reference to Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, the Roman general and dictator famous for his delaying tactics.
In the Fabian Review, the first pamphlet produced by the group, a note on the cover reads, “For the right moment you must wait, as Fabius did most patiently, when warring against Hannibal, though many censured his delays; but when the time comes you must strike hard, as Fabius did, or your waiting will be in vain, and fruitless.” 
To gradually bring about socialism, the Fabian Society invented the policy of “permeation” to take advantage of available openings in politics, business, and civil society. The Fabian Society does not restrict the activities of its members, but encourages them to advance socialist aims by joining suitable organizations and ingratiating themselves with important figures, such as cabinet ministers, senior administrative officials, industrialists, university deans, or church leaders. Sidney Webb, chairman of the Fabian Society, wrote:
As a Society, we welcomed the adhesion of men and women of every religious denomination or of none, strongly insisting that Socialism was not Secularism; and the very object and purpose of all sensible collective action was the development of the individual soul or conscience or character. … Nor did we confine our propaganda to the slowly emerging Labour Party, or to those who were prepared to call themselves Socialists, or to the manual workers or to any particular class. We put our proposals, one by one, as persuasively as possible, before all who would listen to them — Conservatives whenever we could gain access to them, the churches and chapels of all denominations, the various Universities, and Liberals and Radicals, together with the other Socialist Societies at all times. This we called ‘permeation’: and it was an important discovery. 
Many members of the Fabian Society were young intellectuals. They made speeches and published books, magazines, and pamphlets across society. In the 20th century, the Fabian Society moved to the political scene. Webb became the Fabian representative in the newly formed Labour Representation Committee of the Labour Party.
In the Labour Party, Webb drafted its party constitution and party program. Taking a lead role in forming policy, Webb endeavored to make Fabian socialism the guiding ideology of the Party. The Fabian Society later acquired influence in the United States, where multiple groups exist in the liberal arts faculties across many universities.
Whether Lenin’s violent communism or the Fabian Society’s nonviolent communism, both are manipulated by communism’s evil specter and have the same ultimate aim. Lenin’s violent communism does not reject nonviolent means. In his book “Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder, Lenin criticized the communist parties of Western Europe that refused to cooperate with what he called the “reactionary” labor unions or to join the “capitalist” national parliament.
Lenin wrote in his book: “The art of politics (and the Communist’s correct understanding of his tasks) consists in correctly gauging the conditions and the moment when the vanguard of the proletariat can successfully assume power, when it is able—during and after the seizure of power—to win adequate support from a sufficiently broad strata of the working class and of the non-proletarian working masses, and when it is able thereafter to maintain, consolidate and extend its rule by educating, training and attracting ever broader masses of the working people.” 
Lenin stressed again and again that the communists must hide their real intentions. To seize power, no promise or compromise can be ruled out. In other words, to achieve their goals, they can be unscrupulous. On the road to power, both Russia’s Bolshevik Party and the CCP utilized violence and deception to the utmost.
The brutality of the Soviet and Chinese communist regimes has drawn attention away from the nonviolent communism found in the West. Bernard Shaw, an Irish playwright and representative of the Fabian Society, once wrote: “I also made it quite clear that Socialism means equality of income or nothing, and that under socialism you would not be allowed to be poor. You would be forcibly fed, clothed, lodged, taught, and employed whether you like it or not. If it were discovered that you had not character enough to be worth all this trouble, you might possibly be executed in a kindly manner.” 
The Fabian Society specialized in disguise. It chose Shaw, a literary man, to cover up the true aims of nonviolent socialism with beautiful words. But the brutality lies below the surface. Western communist parties and their various front organizations incite young people to create an atmosphere of chaos. They take part in assault, vandalism, robbery, arson, bombings, and assassination to harass and intimidate their enemies.
2. War of Espionage and Disinformation
Communism holds the nation to be an oppressive construction of class society, and it aims to abolish nationality. In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels proclaim that “working men have no country.” The manifesto ends on the note, “Workers of all countries, unite!”
Under Lenin’s leadership, the Bolsheviks founded the first socialist country in Russia and immediately established the Communist International (Comintern) to instigate and spread socialist revolution around the globe. The goal of the Soviet Union and the Comintern was to overthrow the legitimate regimes of every nation on earth and establish a socialist world dictatorship of the proletariat. In 1921, the Comintern’s Far East branch set up the CCP, which would take over China in 1949.
Apart from the CCP, communist parties around the world sought guidance from the Comintern and accepted its funds and training. With the resources of a vast empire at its disposal, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) recruited activists around the world and trained them to carry out subversive operations in their own countries.
Founded in 1919, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) was one such organization that followed the Comintern and the CPSU. Though the CPUSA itself never became a major political force, its influence on the United States was nevertheless significant. The CPUSA colluded with activists and activist organizations to infiltrate workers’ and student movements, the church, and the government.
Dr. Fred Schwartz, a pioneer of American anti-communist thought, said in 1961: “Any attempt to judge the influence of Communists by their numbers is like trying to determine the validity of the hull of a boat by relating the area of the holes to the area which is sound. One hole can sink the ship. Communism is the theory of the disciplined few controlling and directing the rest. One person in a sensitive position can control and manipulate thousands of others.” 
It is now known that Soviet operatives were active within the U.S. government during World War II. Despite this and the anti-communist efforts of Senator Joseph McCarthy, the facts were hidden or obscured from the public by leftist politicians, academics, and the left-wing media.
In the 1990s, the U.S. government declassified the “Venona Files” decoded by American intelligence during the 1940s up to the end of World War II. These documents show that at least 300 Soviet spies were working in the U.S. government, including high-ranking officials in the Roosevelt administration who had access to top-secret information. Other agents used their positions to influence American policymaking and statecraft.
Among those found to be Soviet spies were U.S. Treasury official Harry Dexter White, State Department official Alger Hiss, and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, the couple who were executed by electric chair for transmitting military secrets and atomic technologies to the Soviet Union.
The communications intercepted and decrypted by the Venona Project are just the tip of the iceberg; the full extent of Soviet infiltration in the U.S. government remains unknown. As high-ranking American officials, some of the Soviet operatives had opportunities to influence important political decisions.
Alger Hiss, the Soviet spy in the State Department, played a key role as President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s adviser during the Yalta Conference at the end of World War II. He helped determine postwar territorial arrangements, draft the United Nations Charter, decide prisoner exchanges, and the like.
Harry Dexter White, a trusted aide to Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr., helped create the Bretton Woods international financial agreement and was one of the major personalities behind the establishment of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
White encouraged the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) to enlist underground CCP member Yi Zhaoding in the Chinese Ministry of Finance. Taking up the post in 1941, Yi was the architect of disastrous currency reforms that damaged the Kuomintang’s reputation and benefited the CCP’s rise.
Some historians argue that the influence of Soviet spies and their left-wing sympathizers in American foreign policy led the United States to end military aid to the Kuomintang during the Chinese Civil War after World War II. Mainland China was consequently lost to the CCP.
Some scholars, such as M. Stanton Evans, argue that Soviet spies were most successful at influencing policy.  Whittaker Chambers, a Soviet informant and CPUSA associate who later defected and testified against other spies, said: “The agents of an enemy power were in a position to do much more than purloin documents. They were in a position to influence the nation’s foreign policy in the interest of the nation’s chief enemy, and not only on exceptional occasions, … but in what must have been the staggering sum of day to day decisions.” 
Yuri Bezmenov, a KGB agent who defected to the West, discussed Soviet methods of subversion in his writings and interviews. According to Bezmenov, the James Bond-style spies of popular culture who blow up bridges or sneak around stealing secret documents couldn’t be further from the reality of espionage. Only 10 to 15 percent of the KGB’s personnel and resources were allocated to traditional spy operations, with the rest going to ideological subversion.
Bezmenov said that subversion comes in four stages: The first step is to foster the cultural decadence and demoralization of the enemy country; the second is to create social chaos; and the third to instigate a crisis that would lead to either civil war, revolution, or invasion from another country, culminating in the fourth and final stage of bringing the country under the control of the Communist Party. This is called normalization.
Bezmenov, alias Thomas Schumann, listed three fields of subversion: thought, power, and social life. Thought covers religion, education, the media, and culture. Power includes government administration, the legal system, law enforcement, the armed forces, and diplomacy. Social life encompasses families and communities, health, and relations between people of different races and social classes.
As an example, Bezmenov explained how the concept of equality was manipulated to create unrest. Agents would promote the cause of egalitarianism, making people feel discontent with their political and economic circumstances. Activism and civil unrest would be accompanied by economic deadlock, further exacerbating labor and capital relations in a worsening cycle of destabilization. This would culminate in revolution or invasion by communist forces. 
Ion Mihai Pacepa, the highest-ranking intelligence official in communist Romania, defected to the United States in 1978. He further exposed how the former Soviet Union and communist regimes of Eastern Europe adopted strategies of psychological warfare and disinformation against Western countries. According to Pacepa, the purpose of disinformation was to alter people’s frame of reference. With their ideological values manipulated, people would be unable to understand or accept the truth even when presented with direct evidence. 
Bezmenov said the first stage of ideological subversion usually took 15 to 20 years — that is, the time needed for the education of a new generation — the second stage two to five years, and the third stage only three to six months. In a speech he gave in 1984, Bezmenov said the first stage had been accomplished to a greater extent than the Soviet authorities had originally expected.
The accounts of many Soviet spies and intelligence officials and declassified documents from the Cold War suggest that infiltration tactics were the driving force behind the counterculture movement of the 1960s.
In 1950, McCarthy began to expose the extent of communist infiltration across the U.S. government and society. But four years later, the Senate voted for his condemnation, and the government’s initiative to rid itself of communist influence was brought to a halt. This is one of the main reasons for the decline of the United States.
The threat of communist infiltration has not lessened since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. As an example, McCarthy has been demonized by left-wing politicians and the media for ages. Today, McCarthyism is synonymous with political persecution — an indication that the left wing has successfully established dominance in the ideological struggle.
The decades of suppression and defamation meted out to U.S. anti-communist heroes like McCarthy indicate a general trend. As one conservative American political commentator observed, anti-Americanism is a natural component of the global left-wing movement. The left wing fights tooth and nail to protect adulterers, abortionists, criminals, and communists, while supporting anarchy and opposing civilization.
3. From the New Deal to Progressivism
On Thursday, October 24, 1929, the New York stock market crashed. The crisis spread from the financial sector to the entire economy, sparing none of the major developed nations of the West. Unemployment spiked to over a quarter of the population, and the total number of unemployed exceeded 30 million. Industrial production in major industrial countries, apart from those under the Soviet Union, dropped by an average of 27 percent. 
In early 1933, within 100 days of Roosevelt’s inauguration, many bills were introduced around the theme of solving the crisis. The policies increased government intervention in the economy and passed major reforms: Congress enacted the Emergency Banking Act, Agricultural Adjustment Act, National Industrial Recovery Act, and Social Security Act. Though Roosevelt’s New Deal essentially ended by the outbreak of World War II, many of the institutions and organizations that emerged during the period have continued to shape American society to the present day.
Roosevelt issued more executive orders than the total number of such decrees hitherto issued by all presidents in the 20th century. Nevertheless, the American unemployment rate in the United States did not fall below double digits until the war. The New Deal’s real effect was to set the U.S. government on a trajectory of high taxation, big government, and economic interventionism.
In his 2017 book The Big Lie: Exposing the Nazi Roots of the American Left, conservative thinker Dinesh D’Souza argued that the National Recovery Act, which formed the centerpiece of Roosevelt’s New Deal, essentially meant the end of the U.S. free market. 
According to FDR’s Folly, a 2003 book by historian Jim Powell, the New Deal prolonged the Great Depression rather than ending it: the Social Security Act and labor laws encouraged further unemployment, while high taxes encumbered healthy business, and the like.  Economist and Nobel Prize Laureate Milton Friedman praised Powell’s work, saying: “As Powell demonstrates without a shadow of a doubt, the New Deal hampered recovery from the contraction, prolonged and added to unemployment, and set the stage for ever more intrusive and costly government.” 
President Lyndon Johnson, who took office after the assassination of President Kennedy in 1963, declared a War on Poverty in his 1964 State of the Union address and launched the Great Society domestic programs. In a short period of time, Johnson issued a series of executive orders, established new government agencies, reinforced the welfare state, raised taxes, and dramatically expanded the government’s authority.
It is interesting to note the similarities between President Johnson’s administrative measures and “A New Program of the American Communist Party’s New Agenda,” published in 1966. Gus Hall, general secretary of the CPUSA, said: “The communist attitude toward the Great Society can be summarized in an old saying that two men sleeping in the same bed can have different dreams. We communists support every measure of the Great Society concept because we dream of socialism.”
Hall’s “same bed” refers to the Great Society policies.  Although the CPUSA also supported the Great Society initiative, the intention of the Johnson administration was to improve the United States under the democratic system. The Communist Party’s intention was to ease the United States into socialism step by step .
The most serious consequences of the Great Society and the War on Poverty are threefold: They increased dependence on welfare, discouraged people from working, and damaged the family structure. Welfare policies favored single-parent families, in turn encouraging divorce and extramarital children. According to statistics, the rate of children born out of wedlock in 1940 was 3.8 percent among all newborns; by 1965, this figure had increased to 7.7 percent. In 1990, 25 years after the Great Society reform, the figure was 28 percent and again rose to 40 percent in 2012. 
The disintegration of the family brought with it a series of widespread consequences, such as an increased financial burden for the government, a soaring crime rate, the decline of family education, families that are stuck in poverty for generations, and a mentality of entitlement, which led to a higher rate of voluntary unemployment.
A quote attributed to Scottish historian and jurist Lord Alexander Fraser Tytler says: “A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can only exist until the voters discover that they can vote themselves largess from the public treasury. From that time on, the majority always votes for the candidate promising the most benefits from the public treasury, with the results that a democracy always collapses over loose fiscal policy, always followed by a dictatorship.” 
As the Chinese saying goes, “From thrift to extravagance is easy, but the opposite is difficult.” After people develop a dependence on welfare, it becomes impossible for the government to reduce the scale and types of benefits. The Western welfare state has become a political quagmire for which politicians and officials have no solution.
In the 1970s, the extreme left gave up the revolutionary terms that kept the American people on guard and replaced them with the more neutral-sounding “liberalism” and “progressivism.” Readers who lived in communist countries are no strangers to the latter, as “progress” has been used by the Communist Party as a quasi-synonym for “communism.” For example, the term “progressive movement” referred to the “communist movement” and “progressive intellectuals” referred to “pro-communist individuals” or underground members of the Communist Party.
Liberalism, meanwhile, is not substantially different from progressivism, as it carries the same connotation of high taxes; expansive welfare; big government; rejection of religion, morality, and tradition; the use of “social justice” as a political weapon; “political correctness”; and the militant promotion of feminism, homosexuality, sexual perversity, and the like.
We do not intend to point fingers at any political figure or individual, for it is indeed difficult to make correct analysis and judgments in the midst of complex historical developments. It is clear that the specter of communism has been at work in both East and West since the beginning of the 20th century. When violent revolution succeeded in the East, it spread the influence of communism to the governments and societies of the West, shifting them ever leftward.
Particularly following the Great Depression and beginning with the conclusion of World War I, the United States has adopted increasingly socialist policies, such as the welfare state, as atheism and materialism eroded the moral fabric of American society. People grew distant from God and traditional morality, weakening their resistance to deception.
4.The Cultural Revolution of the West
The 1960s, a watershed moment of modern history, saw an unprecedented counterculture movement sweeping from East to West. In contrast to the Cultural Revolution of the Chinese communists, the Western counterculture movement appeared to have multiple focuses, or rather to lack any focus.
Over the decade from the 1960s to the 1970s, the mostly young participants of the counterculture movement were motivated by various pursuits. Some opposed the Vietnam War, some fought for civil rights, some advocated for feminism and denounced patriarchy, some strove for homosexual rights. Topping this off was a dazzling spectacle of movements against tradition and authority that advocated sexual freedom, hedonism, narcotics, and rock music.
The goal of this Western Cultural Revolution is to destroy the upright Christian civilization and its traditional culture. While apparently disordered and chaotic, this international cultural shift stems from communism.
Youthful participants of the counterculture movement revered three idols as “the Three M’s” — Marx, Marcuse, and Mao Zedong.
Herbert Marcuse was a key member of the Frankfurt School, a group of Marxist intellectuals associated with the Institute for Social Research at the Goethe University in Frankfurt. First established in 1923, its founders used the concept of critical theory to attack Western civilization and apply Marxism to the cultural sphere.
One of the school’s founders was Hungarian Marxist György Lukács. In 1919, he famously asked, “Who can save us from Western civilization?”  Elaborating on this, he said that the West is guilty of genocidal crimes against every civilization and culture it has encountered. American and Western civilization, according to Lukács, are the world’s greatest repositories of racism, sexism, nativism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, fascism, and narcissism.
In 1935, the Frankfurt School Marxists relocated to the United States and became affiliated with Columbia University in New York. This gave them an opening to disseminate their theories on American soil. With the assistance of other leftist scholars, they corrupted several generations of American youth.
Combining Marxism with Freudian pansexualism, Marcuse’s theories catalyzed the sexual liberation movement. Marcuse believed that repression of one’s nature in capitalist society is hindered liberation and freedom. Therefore, it was necessary to oppose all traditional religions, morality, order, and authority in order to transform society into a utopia of limitless and effortless pleasure.
Marcuse’s famous work Eros and Civilization occupies an important place among the vast amount of works of Frankfurt scholars, for two specific reasons: First, the book combines the thoughts from Marx and Freud and turns Marx’s critiques on politics and economy into a critique on culture and psychology. The book also built bridges between Frankfurt theorists and the young readers, enabling the cultural rebellion of the 1960s.
Marcuse said: “[The counterculture movement can be called] a cultural revolution, since the protest is directed toward the whole cultural establishment, including the morality of existing society. … There is one thing we can say with complete assurance: The traditional idea of revolution and the traditional strategy of revolution has ended. These ideas are old-fashioned. … What we must undertake is a type of diffuse and dispersed disintegration of the system.” 
Few among the rebellious youths could grasp the arcane theories of the Frankfurt School, but Marcuse’s ideas were simple: be anti-tradition, anti-authority, and anti-morality. Indulge in sex, drugs, and rock-and-roll without restraint. “Make love, not war.” As long as you say “no” to all authority and societal norms, you are counted as a participant in the “noble revolutionary cause.” It was so simple and easy to become a revolutionary; little wonder it attracted so many young people at that time.
It must be emphasized that although many of the rebellious youths acted of their own accord, many of the most radical student leaders at the forefront of the movement had been trained and manipulated by foreign communists. For instance, the leaders of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) were trained in Cuba.
The student protests were directly organized and instigated by communist groups. The extreme-left Weathermen faction split off from the Students for a Democratic Society and announced in a 1969 statement: “The contradiction between the revolutionary peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America and the imperialists headed by the United States is the principal contradiction in the contemporary world. The development of this contradiction is promoting the struggle of the people of the whole world against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys.” These words were written by Lin Biao, then the second-most powerful leader of communist China, and came from his series of articles called “Long Live the Victory of People’s War!” 
Just as the Cultural Revolution wrought irreversible damage upon Chinese traditional culture, the counterculture movement caused a titanic upheaval in Western society. First, it normalized many subcultures that belonged to the lower fringes of society or were deviant variations of mainstream culture. Sexual liberation, drugs, and rock-and-roll rapidly eroded the moral values of the youth and turned them into a dormant corrosive force that was against God, against tradition, and against society.
Second, the counterculture movement set a precedent for chaotic activism and fostered a wide range of antisocial and anti-American ways of thinking, setting the stage for the street revolution that would follow.
Third, after the youth of the 1960s ended their activist lifestyle, they entered universities and research institutes, completed their master’s degrees and doctorates, and entered the mainstream of American society. They brought the Marxist worldview and its values into education, media, politics, and business, furthering a nonviolent revolution across the country.
Since the 1980s, the left has largely taken over and established strongholds in the mainstream media, academia, and Hollywood. The presidency of Ronald Reagan briefly reversed this trend, only for it to restart in the 1990s and reach a peak in recent years.
5. The Antiwar and Civil Rights Movements
In George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, one of the four main Oceanian ministries is the Ministry of Peace, which oversees the Party’s military affairs. The inverted meaning of its name actually contains profound meaning: When one’s strength is inferior to that of the enemy, the best strategy is to proclaim one’s desire for peace. Extending an olive branch is the best way to hide an imminent war. The Soviet Union and other communist countries were and continue to be adept practitioners of this strategy, which is employed to infiltrate the West.
The World Peace Council was formed in 1948. Its first chairperson was French physicist Frédéric Joliot-Curie, a member of the French Communist Party. World War II had just ended, and the United States was still the only country to have produced and tested the atomic bomb.
Having suffered huge losses in the war, the Soviet Union aggressively promoted world peace as a stratagem to stave off pressure from the West. The World Peace Council was directly controlled by the Soviet Peace Commission, an organization affiliated with the Soviet Communist Party. It ran a worldwide narrative proclaiming the Soviet Union to be a peace-loving country and condemning the United States as a hegemonic warmonger.
High-ranking Soviet official and ideological leader Mikhail Suslov promoted a “struggle for peace” that became a fixture of Soviet rhetoric.
“The present anti-war movement testifies to the will and readiness of the broadest masses of the people to safeguard peace and to prevent the aggressors from plunging mankind into the abyss of another slaughter,” Suslov wrote in a 1950 propaganda tract. “The task now is to turn this will of the masses into active, concrete actions aimed at foiling the plans and measures of the Anglo-American instigators of war.”
The Soviet Union sponsored a multitude of organizations and groups such as the World Federation of Trade Unions, World Youth Association, International Women’s Federation, International Federation of Journalists, World Democratic Youth Alliance, World Association of Scientists, and the like to support the claims of the World Peace Council. “World peace” became one of the frontlines in the communist public-opinion war against the free world.
Vladimir Bukovsky, a prominent Soviet dissident, wrote in 1982: “Members of the older generation can still remember the marches, the rallies, and the petitions of the 1950’s. … It is hardly a secret now that the whole campaign was organized, conducted, and financed from Moscow, through the so-called Peace Fund and the Soviet-dominated World Peace Council.” 
Communist Party USA General Secretary Gus Hall said, “There is a need to expand the fight for peace, escalate it, involve more people, and make it the hot topic in every community, every people’s group, every trade union, every church, every family, every street, and every site where people gather.” 
The Soviets pushed the “struggle for peace” movement in three waves during the course of the Cold War, with the first being in the 1950s. The second climax was the anti-war movement of the 1960s and 1970s. According to the testimony of Stanislav Lunev, a former officer of the Soviet GRU (military intelligence) who defected from Russia to the United States in 1992, the amount of money the Soviet Union spent on anti-war propaganda in Western countries was double its military and economic support to North Vietnam. He said that “the GRU and KGB financed almost all anti-war movements and groups in the United States and other countries.” 
Ronald Radosh, a former Marxist and activist during the anti-Vietnam war movement, admitted that “our intention was never so much to end the war as to use anti-war sentiment to create a new revolutionary socialist movement at home.” 
The third major anti-war movement took place during the early 1980s when the United States deployed intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Europe. Anti-war protesters demanded that both the Soviet Union and the United States limit their nuclear arsenals, but the Soviet Union never abided by any international treaties.
A study conducted by the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary in 1955 found that in the 38 years since the founding of the Soviet regime, it had signed nearly 1,000 bilateral or multilateral treaties with various countries around the world, but breached nearly all the promises and agreements it made. The authors of the study noted that the Soviet Union was probably the least trustworthy of all major nations in history. 
Loudon said that during the 1980s, New Zealand’s anti-nuclear movement was covertly sponsored by the Soviet Union using trained special agents. As a result, New Zealand withdrew from the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty (also known as the ANZUS Treaty), directly exposing this small country with a population of fewer than 4 million people to the threat of communism. 
After the 9/11 attacks, there was a series of large-scale anti-war demonstrations and protests in the United States. Behind these demonstrations were organizations closely related to communists. 
Even the highly acclaimed American civil rights movement was influenced by the specter of communism. Comparing the communist revolutions in China, Cuba, and Algeria, the American thinker G. Edward Griffin discovered that the civil rights movement in the United States followed the same general pattern. In the first stage, people were divided into different and mutually conflicting groups. In the second stage, a united front was established to create an illusion of universal support and move against the opposition in the third stage. The fourth stage was to incite violence. The fifth stage was to launch a coup and seize power under the guise of revolution. 
Starting from the late 1920s, the communist Workers Party discovered the great potential for revolution among black Americans. They called for the establishment of a Soviet “Negro Republic” in the middle of the South, which was home to many blacks.  A communist propaganda handbook published in 1934, “The Negroes in a Soviet America,” proposed a combined racial revolution in the South with the overall proletarian revolution. 
The civil rights movements in the United States in the 1960s received support from the Soviet and Chinese communist parties. When Leonard Patterson, a black man and former member of the CPUSA who received training in Moscow, withdrew from the party, he testified that those leading the insurrection and rioting among American blacks enjoyed the Party’s strong support. Both he and CPUSA General Secretary Gus Hall had been to Moscow to receive training. 
The intensification of the civil rights movement also coincided with the CCP’s campaign to export revolution. In 1965, the CCP put forward the slogan of “international revolution,” calling upon the “broad countryside” of Asia, Africa, and Latin America to surround the “international cities” of Western Europe and North America, just as the CCP had first taken over the countryside, then defeated the Kuomintang in the cities during the Chinese Civil War.
The most violent organizations in the black people’s rights movement, such as the Revolutionary Action Movement and the Maoist Black Panther Party, were all supported or directly influenced by the CCP. The Revolutionary Action Movement advocated violent revolution and was considered a dangerous extremist organization by the mainstream society. It was disbanded in 1969.
From its form to its teachings, the Black Panther Party looked up to the CCP as its role model, with slogans such as “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and “all power belongs to the people.” Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong (the Little Red Book) was a must-read for all members. Like the CCP, the Black Panthers advocated violent revolution. One of the party’s leaders, Eldridge Cleaver, predicted in 1968 a wave of terror, violence, and guerrilla warfare. At many black gatherings, participants waved the Little Red Book. The sea of red bore a striking resemblance to scenes found in China around the same time. 
Although many of the appeals of the civil rights movement have been accepted by mainstream society, the radical black revolutionary ideology has not disappeared. It has recently resurfaced as the Black Lives Matter movement. 
People all around the world wish for peace, and pacifism is an ancient ideal. In the 20th century, people of great vision and compassion dedicated their efforts to reducing misunderstanding and conflict among nations. Due to historical circumstances, racial discrimination does exist in the United States and other Western countries. People try to eliminate racial discrimination through education, media, and protests, all of which is understandable.
But the specter of communism takes advantage of the ideological trends and social conflicts in Western countries. It sows discord, incites hatred, and creates violence, while deceiving and manipulating masses of people who initially harbored no ill intent.
Read Part II here.
 “An Interview With Trevor Loudon,” Capital Research Center, https://capitalresearch.org/article/an-interview-with-trevor-loudon/.
The Workers World Party was established in 1959 and is “dedicated to organizing and fighting for a socialist revolution in the United States and around the world.” For more information, refer to the following link: “Who are the Workers World Party, the group who helped organize the Durham Confederate statue toppling,” http://abc11.com/politics/who-are-the-workers-world-party-and-why-durham/2314577/.
 Karl Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party (Marx/Engels Internet Archive), https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch04.htm.
 A.M. McBriar, Fabian Socialism and English Politics, 1884–1918. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), p. 9.
 Mary Agnes Hamilton, Sidney and Beatrice Webb A Study in Contemporary Biography (Sampson Low, Marston & Co. Ltd.). https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.81184/2015.81184.Sidney-And-Beatrice-Webb_djvu.txt
 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism: an Infantile Disorder (Marxists.org).
 Bernard Shaw, The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism and Capitalism (Brentanos Publishers New York), https://archive.org/details/TheIntelligentWomensGuideToSocialismAndCapitalism.
 Quoted from “The Truth about the American Civil Liberties Union,” Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 87the Congress, 1st session. https://sites.google.com/site/heavenlybanner/aclu.
 M. Stanton Evans and Herbert Romerstein, “Introduction,” Stalin’s Secret Agents: The Subversion of Roosevelt’s Government (New York: Threshold Editions, 2012).
 Thomas Schuman, Love Letter to America (Los Angeles: W.I.N. Almanac Panorama, 1984), pp. 21–46.
 Ion Mihai Pacepa, Ronald J. Rychlak, Disinformation (WND Books).
 Wang Tseng-tsai, Modern World History (San Min Book Co., Ltd. Taipei, 1994), pp. 324–329.
 Dinesh D’Souza, The Big Lie: Exposing the Nazi Roots of the American Left (Chicago: Regnery Publishing, 2017), Chapter 7.
 Jim Powell, FDR’s Folly: How Roosevelt and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression (New York: Crown Forum, 2003).
 Ibid., back cover.
 G. Edward Griffin, More Deadly than War, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gOa1foc5IXI.
 Nicholas Eberstadt, “The Great Society at 50” (American Enterprise Institute), http://www.aei.org/publication/the-great-society-at-50/. Another reference on the consequences of the United States’ high-welfare policy is a book by the same author: A Nation of Takers: America’s Entitlement Epidemic (Templeton Press, 2012).
 Elmer T. Peterson, “This is the Hard Core of Freedom” (The Daily Oklahoman, 1951). This quote has also been attributed to French historian Alexis de Tocqueville.
 William L. Lind, Chapter VI, “Further Readings on the Frankfurt School,” in William L. Lind, ed., Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology (Free Congress Foundation, 2004), p. 4–5. Refer to the text at: http://www.nationalists.org/pdf/political_correctness_a_short_history_of_an_ideology.pdf
 William S. Lind, “What is Cultural Marxism?” http://www.marylandthursdaymeeting.com/Archives/SpecialWebDocuments/Cultural.Marxism.htm
 Raymond V. Raehn, Chapter II, “The Historical Roots of ‘Political Correctness,’” in William L. Lind, ed., Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology (Free Congress Foundation, 2004), p. 10.
 Shen Han, Huang Feng Zhu, “The Rebel Generation: The Western student movement in the 1960s” (Refer to Lin Biao’s translated text at https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/lin-biao/1965/09/peoples_war/ch08.htm.
 Mikhail Suslov, “The Defense of Peace and the Struggle Against the Warmongers” (New Century Publishers, February 1950).
 Vladimir Bukovsky, “The Peace Movement & the Soviet Union” (Commentary Magazine, 1982). Refer to the link: https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/the-peace-movement-the-soviet-union/
 Jeffrey G. Barlow, “Moscow and the Peace Movement,” The Backgrounder (The Heritage Foundation, 1982), p. 5.
 Stanislav Lunev, Through the Eyes of the Enemy: The Autobiography of Stanislav Lunev (Washington D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 1998), p. 74, p. 170.
 Robert Chandler, Shadow World: Resurgent Russia, the Global New Left, and Radical Islam (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 2008), p. 389.
 Anthony C. Sutton, “Conclusions,” The Best Enemy You Can Buy (Dauphin Publications, 2014).
 Trevor Loudon, The Enemies Within: Communists, Socialists, and Progressives in the U.S. Congress (Las Vegas: Pacific Freedom Foundation, 2013), pp. 5–14.
 “AIM Report: Communists Run Anti-War Movement,” Accuracy in Media (February 19, 2003), https://www.aim.org/aim-report/aim-report-communists-run-anti-war-movement/.
 G. Edward Griffin, Anarchy U.S. A.: In the Name of Civil Rights (DVD), John Birch Society.
 John Pepper (Joseph Pogani), American Negro Problems (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1928), https://www.marxistsfr.org/history/usa/parties/cpusa/1928/nomonth/0000-pepper-negroproblems.pdf.
 James W. Ford and James Allen, The Negroes in a Soviet America (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1934), pp. 24–30.
 Leonard Patterson, “I Trained in Moscow for Black Revolution,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GuXQjk4zhZs.
 G. Louis Heath, ed., Off the Pigs! The History and Literature of the Black Panther Party, p. 61.
 Thurston Powers, “How Black Lives Matter Is Bringing Back Traditional Marxism,” The Federalist, http://thefederalist.com/2016/09/28/black-lives-matter-bringing-back-traditional-marxism/.