The United States and China have virtually entered a new Cold War, sparked off by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This year, the CCP has carried out three operations to demonstrate it is a nuclear threat.
The first was when the CCP sent nuclear submarines into the waters of Midway Island at the end of January to conduct military exercises which simulated attacks on Pearl Harbor and tested the integrity of the Third Island Chain. The chain is considered the final strategic boundary between the United States and China, and runs from the coast of Alaska to Hawaii and then New Zealand.
The second was when a CCP propaganda mouthpiece announced in March that a nuclear submarine with the capability to launch a strategic attack on the United States identified a safe launch position in the South China Sea, placing the United States within striking distance of Chinese nuclear threats.
The third incident was at the end of June, when the CCP claimed that its BeiDou Navigation Satellite System, a rival to the GPS, was complete. It would provide eyes for the CCP’s nuclear missiles and allow them to carry out precision strikes across the United States.
The combination of these three threats is equivalent to the Cuban Missile Crisis during the U.S.–Soviet Cold War. Thirty years later, the United States now faces a threat from another red nuclear power.
The United States—forced to defend itself—has entered a Cold War-style all-round confrontation with the CCP.
It began its public response in July and delivered four consecutive milestone speeches, expounding in detail its new foreign policy towards the CCP.
A page of the past four decades of U.S.–China relations has now been turned. From now on, the United States will perceive the CCP as an adversary, and take comprehensive countermeasures to maintain national security, while weakening Beijing.
This confrontation has manifested in four areas, in order of importance: military, espionage, economics, and politics. The U.S.–Soviet Cold War was only a confrontation on the military front, and there was no economic globalization at that time.
Today’s U.S.–China Cold War is taking place during a period of globalization, and the United States has experienced all-out infiltration by the CCP, providing an extremely difficult challenge for the United States to cope with.
In late September, there was a brief confrontation with Chinese nuclear submarines when the United States was conducting military exercises in the Bashi Channel just south of Taiwan.
On Oct. 2, before U.S. President Trump was admitted to hospital with COVID-19, two U.S. Boeing E-6B Mercury nuclear command aircraft (doomsday planes) were seen flying over U.S. airspace, sending a clear warning to adversaries not to act rashly.
The CCP’s global strategy has deeply penetrated democratic nations.
Regarding the behavior of the CCP, I warned the Australian government as early as 2003, but received no response.
Having dropped their guard against the CCP, the predominant neo-appeasement policy, which has lasted for over three decades, has helped boost the threat of the CCP to global heights.
If the policy continues to offer a free hand to the CCP to develop and prosper, then it is not hard to imagine how pathetic and dangerous the future will be.
Economic globalization has resulted in serious setbacks to the U.S. economy, and it has also given the CCP strong penetrating capabilities against the United States.
Today, the operation of the CCP’s “fifth column” within the United States and other Western democracies is strong and rampant, with public or private assistance from famous people like Henry Kissinger and Wall Street tycoons who have been very keen to side with the CCP.
It is definitely the same kind of people in Australia who have done the same work as Kissinger. But it is not the time to “name and shame” them here.
At present, the most noteworthy issue is when the United States can establish diplomatic relations with Taiwan. We look forward to this happening.
It is my fervent hope that Australia will help the United States in this particular regard, and actively seek to enhance relations with Taiwan so as to help Taiwan get out of diplomatic isolation.
As long as the United States and Taiwan can establish diplomatic relations, this will sink the CCP into a combined crisis of diplomatic, political, and weakening popular support. If Chinese leader Xi Jinping brazenly launches a war across the Taiwan Strait in order to make a political breakthrough, the United States, Taiwan, Japan, Australia, and India can fight the CCP together, and the CCP will be immediately defeated and collapse.
The result would force China to undergo drastic political change, and democratization will be kickstarted.
The U.S.-CCP neo-Cold War is happening in the present—not somewhere in the future.
The United States is being forced to go to battle with the CCP but it must find correct opportunities and good reasons. It seems that the United States is now eager to restore its former diplomatic relations with Taiwan (Republic of China), but Taiwan is also now apparently nervous.
The United States does not want to fire first; she wants the CCP to fire the first shot. Then, the United States has the legitimacy to go to war as a defender. Therefore, the establishment of diplomatic relations between Taiwan and the United States is the best way to force China to fire the first shot.
But Taiwan is timid. Although it is now the best moment for Taiwan to restore relations with the United States and possibly return to the United Nations, the Tsai Ing-wen government is very cautious about whether it can withstand an initial attack by an increasingly desperate mainland regime, which may cost, according to estimates, hundreds of thousands of casualties.
The advisory team of China experts to the U.S. government has always advocated for the restoration of diplomatic relations between Taiwan and the United States, to force Beijing to fire the first shot. This then will need the military intervention of the United States, Japan, and Australia to resolve the CCP regime’s ambitious aggression, once and for all.
If Xi’s Communist Party makes an error of judgment and refuses to budge, the possibility of establishing diplomatic relations between Taiwan and the United States will greatly increase.
I was tipped off that Professor Miles Yu, Chief Advisor for China Policy Planning to the U.S. Secretary of State, made a low key visit to Taiwan regarding this matter.
Therefore, the 2020 U.S. presidential election is related not only to the United States but more to the destiny of the world.
If Trump wins, yesterday’s demise of the Soviet Union will be the CCP’s tomorrow. If Biden wins, I believe the neo-Cold War between China and the United States will very likely lose momentum, and the CCP will be relieved and continue to push forward to eventually defeat the United States and rule the world.
I hope that Australia will continue to stand firm with the United States to join the coalition of justice of democracies at this critical moment in international politics, until the CCP regime is completely defeated and the more advanced (albeit flawed) systems of democracy prevail.
Australia-based Dr. Chin Jin is the global chair of the Federation for a Democratic China. The group advocates for the democratization of China through opposition to the Communist Party and support for human rights. It was founded following the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests.
Views expressed in this article are the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.